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ISABEL   OF    CASTILE 
AFTER  A    PAINTING   IN   THE   PRADO   GALLERY   ATTRIBUTED  TO   MIGUEL  ZITTOZ 
FROM    "  TORQUEMAOA   AND   THE   SPANISH   INQUISITION  "    BY   RAFAEL    SABATINI 


THIS   «  '''^^-''•■^' 
BMIVBRSfclTY  -  ^       v;     . 

ISABEL  OF  CASTILE 


AND 
THE  MAKING  OF  THE  SPANISH  NATION 

1451-1504 


BY 

lERNE  L  PLUNKET 

Author  of  "The  Fall  of  the  Old  Order,  i 763-1 815 


Illustrated 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW    YORK    AND    LONDON 

tlbe  fjnlcherbocftec  press 
1915 


Copyright,  1915 

BY 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S   SONS 


TTbe  IknicFierbociier  ipress,  mew  ISorK 


StacK 
Annex 

n 


FOREWORD 

ISABEL  of  Castile  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable, 
*  and  also  one  of  the  most  attractive,  figures  in 
Spanish  history.  Her  marriage  with  Ferdinand 
the  Wise  of  Aragon  brought  about  the  union  of 
the  Spanish  nationality,  which  had  so  long  been 
distracted  and  divided  by  provincial  prejudices 
and  dynastic  feuds.  She  is  the  ancestress  of  the 
Spanish  Hapsburg  line.  But  she  is  also  important 
in  Spanish  history  as  a  wise  and  energetic  ruler, 
who  rendered  invaluable  assistance  to  her  hus- 
band and  to  some  extent  moulded  his  policy. 
Under  their  government  Spain  was  reduced  from 
anarchy  to  order,  and  took  her  place  among  the 
great  Powers  of  Europe.  Isabel  is  perhaps  best 
known  as  the  patroness  of  Christopher  Columbus 
and  the  unflinching  ally  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition. 
But  her  career  presents  many  other  features  of 
interest.  In  particular  it  reveals  the  problems 
which  had  to  be  faced  by  European  governments 
in  the  critical  period  of  transition  from  mediasval 
to  modern  forms  of  national  organization. 

H.  W.  C.  D. 

Balliol  College,  Oxford, 
Dec.  17,  1914. 


2031046 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  I 
CASTILE   IN   THE   FIFTEENTH   CENTURY        .  .  I 

CHAPTER  II 

THE     REIGN     OF     HENRY     IV.:     MISGOVERNMENT. 

I454-I463 22 

CHAPTER  III 

THE     REIGN     OF     HENRY    IV.:     CIVIL     WAR     AND 

ANARCHY.       1 464-1 474        .  .  .  .51 

CHAPTER  IV 
ACCESSION    OF    ISABEL:     THE    PORTUGUESE    WAR. 

1475-1479 88 

CHAPTER  V 
ORGANIZATION   AND    REFORM     .  .  .  .121 

CHAPTER  VI 
THE   MOORISH    WAR.       I481-1483         .  .  .       I58 

CHAPTER  VII 

THE     FALL     OF     GRANADA:    THE    MOORISH     WAR. 

I484-I492  ......       185 

V 


vi  Contents 

PACB 

CHAPTER  Vlir 
THE   INQUISITION    ......       23I 

CHAPTER  IX 
THE    EXPULSION    OF    THE    JEWS    AND    MUDEJARES      263 

CHAPTER  X 
CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS  ....       285 

CHAPTER  XI 
ISABEL   AND    HER    CHILDREN      ....       3I9 

CHAPTER  XII 
THE    ITALIAN    WARS.       I494-I504         .  .  .       346 

CHAPTER  XIII 

castilian  literature  .....     387 

appendix  i.     house  of  trastamara  in  castile 

and  aragon  ......     424 

appendix  ii.     principal  authorities  for  the 

life  and  times  of  isabel  of  castile    .     425 

Index  .......     427 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

ISABEL  OF  CASTILE  .  .  .  Frontispiece 

After  a  painting  in  the  Prado  Gallery  attributed 

to  Miguel  Zittoz. 
From  Torquemada  and  the  Spanish  Inquisition, 
by  Rafael  Sabatini. 

HENRY  IV 22 

From  Boletin  de  la  Real  Academia  de  la  Historia, 

vol.  Ixii. 
From  a  photograph  by  Hauser  and  Menet. 

ALFONSO  V.  OF  ARAGON 24 

From    Iconografia   EspaHola,  by    Valentin   Car- 
derera  y  Solano. 

JUAN  PACHECO,  MARQUIS  OF  VILLENA  .  .  28 

From    Iconografia   Espanola,  by   Valentin    Car- 
derera  y  Solano. 

ALFONSO,  BROTHER  OF  ISABEL  OF  CASTILE  66 

From    Iconografia    EspaHola,  by  Valentin    Car- 
derera  y  Solano. 

FERDINAND  OF  ARAGON  .  .  .  .  90 

From   Iconografia   EspaHola,  by  Valentin   Car- 
derera  y  Solano. 

TOLEDO,  LA  PUERTA  DEL  SOL       .     .     .    I06 

From  a  photograph  by  Anderson,  Rome. 

TOLEDO,  CHURCH  OF  SAN  JUAN  DE  LOS  REYES     .  1 10 

From  a  photograph  by  Anderson,  Rome. 

SEGOVIA,  THE  ALCAZAR  .  .  .  .  II4 

From  a  photograph  by  Laccste,  Madrid. 
vii 


Vlll 


Illustrations 


prince  john,  son  of  ferdinand  and  isabel 

(funeral  effigy)  .         .         .         .116 

From   Iconografia   Espanola,  by    Valentin    Car- 
derera  y  Solano. 

JOANNA  " LA  BELTRANEJA  "        .  .  .  .  II8 

From  Sitges'  Enrique  IV.  y  la  Excelente  Senora. 

SPANISH  halberdier,  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY         .  l62 

From  Spanish  A  rms  and  A  rmour. 
Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the  author,  Mr.  A. 
F.  Calvert. 

SPANISH  CROSSBOWMAN,  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY    .  I66 

From  Spanish  Arms  and  Armour. 
Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the  author,  Mr.  A. 
F.  Calvert. 

ARMS  BELONGING  TO  BOABDIL  .  .  .  I72 

From  Lafuente's  Historia  General   de   Espana, 
vol.  vii. 

ALHAMBRA,  COURT  OF  LIONS    .  .  .  .  I78 

From  a  photograph  by  Anderson,  Rome. 


DOUBLE  BREECH-LOADING  CANNON,  IN  BRONZE    . 

From  Spanish  Arms  and  Armour. 
Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the  author,  Mr.  A. 
F.Calvert. 


192 


RONDA,  THE  TAJO  OR  CHASM   ....    200 

From  a  photograph  by  Lacoste,  Madrid. 

MALAGA  TO-DAY      .  .  .  .  .  .  2I4 

From  a  photograph  by  Lacoste,  Madrid. 

BOABDIL,  LAST  KING  OF  GRANADA     .  .  .  222 

From  Altamira's  Historia  de  Espana. 


Illustrations  ix 

PAGE 

ALHAMBRA,  PATIO  DE  l'aLBERCA       .  .  .         226 

From  a  photograph  by  Anderson,  Rome. 

THE  CARDINAL  OF  SPAIN,  DON  PEDRO  GONSALEZ 

DE  MENDOZA  .....  234 

From  Historia  de  la  Villa  y  Corte  de  Madrid,  by 
Amador  de  los  Rios. 

XIMINES  DE  CISNEROS     .....         242 

From    Iconografia    Espanola,  by    Valentin   Car- 
derera  y  Solano. 

TORQUEMADA     .     .     .     .     .     .258 

After  a  painting  attributed  to  Miguel  Zittoz. 
From  Torquemada  and  the  Spanish  Inquisition. 
Reproduced  by  kind  permission  of  the  author,  ]Mr. 
Rafael  Sabatini. 

TOMB  OF  FRANCISCO  RAMIREZ  ("  EL  ARTILLERO")  282 

From  Historia  de  la    Villa  y  Corte  de  Madrid, 
by  Amador  de  los  Rios. 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS  ....  286 

From     Christopher    Columbus,  by    Washington 
Irving. 

A  CARAVEL  UNDER  SAIL  .  .  .  .  298 

From  Christopher  Columbus,  by  Washington  Irving. 

ISABEL  OF  CASTILE  .....  322 

Carved  wooden  statue  from  the  Cathedral  at 

Granada. 
From  A  Queen  of  Queens,  by  Christopher  Hare, 

published  by  Messrs.  Harper. 

TOMB  OF  FERDINAND  AND  ISABEL      .  .  .         33O 

From  Nervo's  Isabelle  La  Catholique. 
Reproduced  by  permission  of  Messrs.  Smith, 
Elder  &  Co.,  publishers  of  translated  edition. 


Illustrations 


AVILA,   TOMB   OF   PRINCE   JOHN,    SON  OF   FERDI- 
NAND AND  ISABEL   .....  334 
From  a  photograph  by  Lacoste,  Madrid. 

AVILA,  THE  CATHEDRAL.  ....         336 

From  a  photograph  by  Hauser  and  Menet. 

ISABEL,  QUEEN  OF  PORTUGAL,  ELDEST  DAUGHTER 

OF  FERDINAND  AND  ISABEL  .  .  .  338 

From   Iconografia   Espanola,   by    Valentin   Car- 
derera  y  Solano. 

AVILA  FROM  BEYOND  THE  CITY  WALLS  .  .         344 

From  a  photograph  by  Lacoste,  Madrid. 

A  KING-AT-ARMS    ......         364 

From  Spanish  Arms  and  Armour. 
Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the  author,  Mr.  A. 
F.  Calvert. 

SPANISH  MAN-AT-ARMS,  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY      .         368 

From  Spanish  Arms  and  Armour. 
Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the  author,  Mr.  A. 
F.  Calvert. 

TILTING  ARMOUR  OF  PHILIP  THE  FAIR  .  .         376 

From  Spanish  Arms  and  Armour. 
Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the  author,  Mr.  A. 
F.  Calvert. 

JOANNA     "the     MAD,"     DAUGHTER     OF    QUEEN 

ISABEL  ......  380 

From  Historia  de  la   Villa  y  Carte  de  Madrid, 
by  Amador  de  los  Rios. 

CODICIL  TO  Isabel's  will,  with  her  signature       384 

From   Lafuente's  Historia  General  De  Espana, 
vol.  vii. 


Illustrations  .    xi 

PAGE 

FERDINAND  OF  ARAGON  ....  388 

Carved  wooden  statue  from  the  Cathedral  at 
Malaga. 

GRANADA     CATHEDRAL,     ROYAL     CHAPEL,     TOMB 

OF  FERDINAND  AND  ISABEL  .  .  .  392 

From  a  photograph  by  Lacoste,  Madrid. 

BURGOS  CATHEDRAL         .....  396 

From  a  photograph  by  Lacoste,  Madrid. 

COINS,  CATHOLIC  KINGS  ....  402 

From  Lafuente's  Historia   General  De  Espana, 

vol.  vii. 

COINS,  CATHOLIC  KINGS  ....  404 

From   Lafuente's  Historia  General  De  Espana, 
vol.  vii. 

COINS,  CATHOLIC  KINGS.  ....  406 

From  Lafuente's  Historia  General  De  Espana, 
vol.  vii. 

COINS,  FERDINAND  .....         408 

From   Lafuente's  Historia  General  De  Espana, 
vol.  vii. 

FAgADE  OF  SAN  PABLO  AT  VALLADOLID   .      .    42O 

From  a  photograph  by  Lacoste,  Madrid. 

MAP AT  END 


ISABEL  OF  CASTILE 


CHAPTER  I 

CASTILE  IN  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY 

nPHERE  are  some  characters  in  history,  whose 
-'•  reputation  for  heroism  is  beyond  reproach 
in  the  eyes  of  the  general  public.  There  are 
others,  however,  whose  claims  to  glory  are  ardently 
contested  by  posterity,  and  none  more  than  Isabel 
of  Castile,  in  whose  case  ordinary  differences  of 
opinion  have  been  fanned  by  that  most  uncom- 
promising of  all  foes  to  a  fair  estimate,  religious 
prejudice.  Thus  the  Catholic,  while  deploring 
the  extreme  severity  of  the  methods  employed 
for  the  suppression  of  heresy,  would  yet  look  on 
her  championship  of  the  Catholic  Faith  as  her 
chief  claim  to  the  admiration  of  mankind.  The 
Protestant  on  the  other  hand,  while  acknowledging 
the  glories  of  the  Conquest  of  Granada  and  the 
Discovery  of  the  New  World,  would  weigh  them 


2  Isabel  of  Castile 

light  in  the  balance  against  the  fires  and  tortures 
of  the  Inquisition  and  the  ruthless  expulsion  of 
the  Jews. 

One  solution  of  the  problem  has  been  to  make 
the  unfortunate  Ferdinand  the  scapegoat  of  his 
Queen's  misdeeds.  Whatever  tends  to  the  glory 
of  Spain,  in  that,  if  not  the  originator,  she  is  at 
least  the  partner  and  moving  spirit.  When  acts 
of  fanaticism  hold  the  field,  they  are  the  result  of 
Ferdinand's  material  ambitions  or  the  religious 
fervour  of  her  confessors;  Isabel's  ordinarily 
independent  and  clear-sighted  mind  being  re- 
duced for  the  sake  of  her  reputation  to  a  condition 
of  credulous  servility. 

Such  a  view  has  missed  the  consistency  of  real 
life.  It  is  probably  responsible  for  the  exactly 
opposite  summary  of  another  critic,  who  denies 
Isabel's  superiority  to  her  husband  in  anything 
but  hypocrisy  and  the  ability  to  make  her  lies 
more  convincing.  He  even  fails  to  admit  that, 
this  being  granted,  her  capacities  in  one  direction 
at  least  must  have  been  phenomenal,  since  Fer- 
dinand was  the  acknowledged  liar  of  his  day  par 
excellence. 

Faced  by  the  witness  of  the  Queen's  undoubted 
popularity,  he  sweeps  it  away  with  a  tribute  to 
Spanish  manhood:  "The  praise  bestowed  on  the 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century       3 

character  of  Isabel  is,  to  no  small  amount,  due  to 
the  chivalrous  character  of  the  Spaniards,  who 
never  forgot  that  the  Queen  was  a  lady." 

Such  an  assumption  must  be  banished,  along 
with  Isabel's  weak-mindedness  on  religious  mat- 
ters, to  the  realms  of  historical  fiction.  The  very 
Castilians  who  extol  her  glory  and  merit  do  not 
hesitate  to  draw  attention  in  bald  terms  to  her 
sister-in-law's  frailties.  Indeed  a  slight  perusal 
of  Cervantes'  famous  novel,  embodying  so  much 
of  the  habits  and  outlook  of  Spain  at  a  slightly 
later  date  will  show  it  was  rather  the  fashion  to 
praise  a  woman  for  her  beauty  than  to  credit  her 
with  mental  or  moral  qualities  of  any  strength. 

The  Catholic  Queen,  like  other  individuals  of 
either  sex,  must  stand  or  fall  by  the  witness  of  her 
own  actions  and  speech;  and  these  seen  in  the 
light  of  contemporary  history  will  only  confirm 
the  tradition  of  her  heroism,  which  the  intervening 
centuries  have  tended  to  blur.  The  odium  that 
sometimes  attaches  to  her  name  is  largely  due  to 
the  translation  of  Spanish  ideals  and  conditions 
of  life  in  the  Middle  Ages  into  the  terms  that  rule 
the  conduct  of  the  twentieth  century. 

"Quien  dice  Espafia  dice  todo,"  says  the  old  pro- 
verb,— "He  who  says  Spain  has  said  everything." 

This  arrogance  is  typical  of  the  self-centred, 


4  Isabel  of  Castile 

highly  strung  race,  that  had  been  bred  by  eight 
centuries  of  war  against  the  Infidel.  The  other 
nations  of  Western  Europe  might  have  their  occa- 
sional religious  difficulties ;  but,  in  the  days  before 
Luther  and  Calvin  were  born,  none  to  the  same 
extent  as  Spain  were  faced  by  the  problem  of  life 
in  daily  contact  with  the  unpardonable  crime  of 
heresy,  in  this  case  the  more  insidious  that  it  was 
often  masked  by  outward  observance  of  rule  and 
ritual. 

The  greater  part  of  the  modern  world  would 
dismiss  the  matter  with  a  shrug  of  its  shoulders 
and  the  comfortable  theory  that  truth,  being 
eternal,  can  take  care  of  itself;  but  this  freedom  of 
outlook  was  yet  to  be  won  on  the  battlefields  of 
the  Renaissance  and  in  the  religious  wars  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  It  would  be  an  anachronism 
to  look  for  it  in  Spain  at  a  time  when  the  influence 
of  the  new  birth  of  thought  and  culture  had  ex- 
tended no  further  than  an  imitation  of  Italian 
poets. 

Isabels*  bigotry  is  an  inheritance  she  shared 
with  the  greater  part  of  her  race  in  her  own  day, 
the  logical  sequence  of  her  belief  in  the  exclusive 
value  of  the  divine  in  man's  natiu-e,  as  against 
any  claims  of  his  human  body.  If  she  pursued 
her  object,  the  salvation  of  souls,  with  a  relentless 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century       5 

cruelty,  from  which  we  turn  away  to-day  in  sick 
disgust,  we  must  remember  that  Spain  for  the  most 
part  looked  on  unmoved.  Where  opposition  was 
shown,  as  in  her  husband's  kingdom  of  Aragon, 
it  was  rather  the  spirit  of  independence  than  of 
mercy  that  raised  its  head. 

Indeed  the  religious  persecution  was  in  no  way 
disproportionate  to  the  severity  of  the  criminal 
procedure  of  the  reign,  as  will  be  seen  by  a  glance 
at  the  usual  sentences  passed  on  those  convicted 
of  any  crime.  The  least  with  which  a  thief  could 
hope  to  escape  from  his  judges  was  the  loss  of  a 
limb,  but  the  more  likely  fate  was  to  be  placed 
with  his  back  to  a  tree,  and  there,  after  a  hasty 
confession  of  his  sins,  shot  or  burnt. 

Many  of  Queen  Isabel's  contemporaries  remark 
her  intolerance  of  crime  and  disorder,  and  a  few 
of  the  younger  generation  who  had  grown  to  man- 
hood in  the  atmosphere  of  peace  she  had  estab- 
lished, condemn  her  justice  as  excessive.  By 
modern  standards  it  is  undoubtedly  barbarous; 
but  long  centuries  of  anarchy  had  bred  a  spirit  of 
lust  and  brutality  little  above  the  barbarian  level, 
and  only  drastic  measures  could  hope  to  cure  so 
deep-rooted  an  evil.  Isabel  herself,  throughout 
her  childhood,  had  been  a  forced  witness  of  her 
brother's    policy    of    "sprinkling    rose-water    on 


6  Isabel  of  Castile 

rebellion"  instead  of  employing  the  surgeon's 
knife;  and  her  strength  of  character  despised  the 
weakness,  that  under  the  pretext  of  humanity 
made  life  impossible  for  nine-tenths  of  the 
population. 

It  is  her  great  achievement  that  she  raised  the 
crown,  the  mediaeval  symbol  of  national  justice, 
from  the  political  squalor  into  which  seventy  years 
of  mingled  misfortune  and  incapacity  had  thrown 
it,  and  that  she  set  it  on  a  pedestal  so  lofty,  that 
even  the  haughtiest  Castilian  need  not  be  ashamed 
to  bow  the  knee  in  reverence.  By  this  substitu- 
tion of  a  strong  government  for  a  weak,  of  impar- 
tiality for  favouritism,  she  secured  peace  at  home 
and  thus  laid  a  firm  foundation  for  Ferdinand's 
ambitious  foreign  policy,  and  the  establishment  of 
Spain  as  the  first  nation  in  Europe. 

It  is  perhaps  difficult  to  apportion  exactly  the 
respective  shares  of  Isabel  and  her  husband  in  the 
administrative  measures  of  their  reign;  for  their 
unanimity  of  aim  and  action  was  in  keeping  with 
their  motto  tanto  monta, — "the  one  as  much  as 
as  the  other."  Yet  in  this  connection  it  is  neces- 
sary to  realize  the  contrast  between  the  two  king- 
doms. Aragon,  with  its  three  divisions  of  Aragon 
proper,  Valencia,  and  the  Principality  of  Catalonia, 
measured  in  all  scarcely  a  quarter  of  the  territory 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century      7 

of  its  western  neighbour.  Moreover  the  spirit 
of  the  people  and  the  democratic  character  of  its 
laws  rendered  it  a  soil  peculiarly  ill-suited  for  the 
growth  of  the  royal  prerogative.  Thus,  in  spite 
of  the  sovereigns'  best  endeavours,  it  stubbornly 
withstood  their  centralizing  policy,  and  the  main 
burden  of  taxation  and  governmental  measures 
fell  on  Castile.  The  latter,  "the  corona"  "or 
"big  crown,"  in  contradistinction  to  the  "coro- 
nilla"  or  "little  crown"  of  Aragon,  continued 
throughout  the  Queen's  lifetime  to  look  on  her 
husband  as  more  or  less  of  a  foreigner;  and  all  the 
many  documents  signed  "Yo,  El  Rey"  could  not 
weigh  with  a  true  Castilian  against  Isabel's  single 
"  Yo,  La  Reina."  It  is  she,  who,  when  "  Los  Reyes  " 
are  not  mentioned  together,  is  hailed  to-day  in 
Spain  as  the  chief  representative  of  national 
grandeur,  just  as  "  castellano, "  the  speech  of  the 
larger  kingdom,  has  become  synonymous  with 
our  term  "Spanish." 

The  word  "Castile"  itself  conveys  to  an  ima- 
ginative mind  a  picture  of  that  mediaeval  land  of 
castles,  whose  ramparts  were  not  only  a  defence 
against  the  Moors  but  also  the  bulwark  of  a 
turbulent  nobility.  In  vain  the  Crown  had 
striven  to  suppress  its  over-powerful  subjects. 
The  perpetual  crusade  upon  the  southern  border 


8  Isabel  of  Castile 

proved  too  alluring  a  recruiting-ground  for  the 
vices  of  feudalism;  and  many  a  mail-clad  count 
led  out  to  battle  a  larger  following  of  warriors 
than  the  sovereign  to  whom  he  nominally  owed 
obedience. 

So  long  as  the  crusade  continued,  rulers  of 
Castile  could  not  attempt  to  disband  the  feudal 
levies  on  which  their  fortune  depended;  and  each 
acquisition  of  Moorish  territory  was  followed  by 
fresh  distributions  of  lands  amongst  the  con- 
quering troops.  Sometimes  these  grants  carried 
with  them  complete  fiscal  and  judicial  control  of 
the  district  in  question,  at  others  merely  a  yearly 
revenue;  but,  whatever  the  tenure,  the  new  owner 
and  his  descendants  were  certain  to  take  advantage 
of  royal  embarrassments  and  national  disorder  to 
press  their  claims  to  the  farthest  limit.  A  few 
communities,  behetrias,  succeeded  in  obtaining 
the  privilege  of  choosing  their  own  over-lord 
with  the  more  doubtful  corollary  of  changing  him 
as  often  as  they  liked,  a  process  fruitful  of  quarrels 
which  not  unnaturally  resulted  in  their  gradual 
absorption  by  more  settled  neighbours. 

Since  the  practice  of  primogeniture  was  com- 
mon in  Castile  and  lands  were  inalienable,  large 
estates  were  rapidly  built  up,  whose  owners,  un- 
able to  rule  all  their  property  directly,   would 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century      9 

sublet  some  of  their  towns  and  strongholds  to 
other  nobles  and  knights  in  return  for  certain 
services.  These  dependencies,  or  latifundia, 
yielded  ultimate  obedience  not  to  the  King  but  to 
the  over-lord  from  whom  their  commander  had 
received  them.  On  one  occasion  Alvaro  de  Luna, 
the  favourite  minister  of  John  II.,  appeared  before 
the  castle  of  Trujillo  and  demanded  its  surrender 
in  his  master's  name.  To  this  the  "Alcayde,"  or 
Governor,  replied  that  he  owed  allegiance  to  the 
King's  uncle,  John  of  Aragon,  and  would  open  the 
gates  to  none  else :  an  answer  typical  of  the  days 
when  aristocratic  independence  ran  riot  in  Castile. 

A  great  territorial  magnate  could  also  renounce 
the  obedience  he  owed  to  his  sovereign  by  the 
simple  method  of  sending  a  messenger  who 
should,  in  the  Eang's  presence,  make  the  following 
declaration:  "Sefior,  on  behalf  of  ...  I  kiss  your 
hand  and  inform  you  that  henceforth  he  is  no 
more  your  vassal." 

The  weakness  of  the  Castilian  Crown  was  fur- 
ther aggravated  in  the  fourteenth  and  early  fif- 
teenth centuries  by  disputed  successions  and  long 
minorities;  the  nobles  using  the  confusion  these 
engendered  to  wring  concessions  from  the  rival 
claimants,  or  to  seize  them  from  inexperienced 
child  rulers. 


10  Isabel  of  Castile 

"A  breastplate  would  have  served  him  better!" 
exclaimed  the  Count  of  Benavente,  when  at  the 
beginning  of  Queen  Isabel's  reign  he  heard  of  the 
death  of  some  man  bearing  a  royal  safe-conduct. 

"Do  you  wish  then  that  there  was  no  King  in 
Castile?"  asked  the  Queen  indignantly;  to  which 
the  Count  replied  cheerfully:  "Not  so!  I  would 
there  were  many,  for  then  I  shoiild  be  one  of 
them." 

His  words  are  the  expression  of  the  aristocratic 
ideal  of  life  in  his  own  day.  It  was  perhaps  most 
nearly  realized  in  the  case  of  the  Grand  Master- 
ships of  the  three  great  Military  Orders  of  San- 
tiago, Calatrava,  and  Alcantara.  These  Orders 
had  been  called  into  existence  by  the  crusade; 
but  their  original  purpose  was  gradually  obscured 
by  the  wealth  and  influence  that  made  them 
the  resort  of  the  ambitious  rather  than  of  the 
enthusiast.  Like  the  Monastic  Orders,  their 
members  were  bound  by  vows:  obedience,  com- 
munity of  property,  strict  conjugal  fidelity,  some- 
times celibacy ;  but  dispensations  could  be  bought, 
and  the  gains  to  be  reaped  more  than  compen- 
sated for  any  theoretical  austerities  or  submission. 

The  main  canon  of  their  creed,  war  against  the 
Infidel,  was  readily  accepted  by  every  aspirant 
knight;  the  only  drawback  being  that  his  inborn 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century     ii 

love  of  fighting  led  him  to  take  part  as  well  in 
whatever  other  kind  of  war  happened  to  dawn  on 
the  horizon,  no  matter  if  it  were  against  his  own 
sovereign.  How  formidable  this  would  prove 
for  the  sovereign  we  can  imagine  when  we  learn 
that  in  the  fifteenth  century  the  combined 
revenues  of  the  Orders  amounted  to  something 
like  145,000  ducats,  ^  while  the  Master  of  Santiago 
could  call  into  the  field  a  force  of  four  hundred 
fully-armed  cavaliers  and  one  thousand  lances. 
In  addition  he  possessed  the  patronage  of  numer- 
ous "commanderies,"  rich  military  posts  that 
brought  with  them  the  rents  of  subject  towns 
and  villages,  and  that  were  eagerly  sought  by  the 
highest  in  the  land. 

Extreme  power  and  privilege  are  often  their  own 
undoing;  and  from  the  fruits  of  its  triumph  the 
Castilian  aristocracy  was  to  reap  a  bitter  harvest. 
Had  the  fight  with  the  Crown  been  more  strenu- 
ous and  the  victory  less  certain,  the  ricos-hombres 
or  great  men  of  the  land,  might  have  learned  to 
combine  if  not  with  other  classes  at  least  amongst 

'  "  The  monetary  unit  of  Castile  was  the  'maravedi,'  anciently 
a  gold  coin  of  value;  but,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  diminished 
to  a  fraction  of  its  former  estimation." — Lea,  History  of  Spanish 
Inquisition,  vol.  i.,  Appendix  III. 

The  ducat  would  be  worth  about  374  maravedis,  or  about 
85.  9^.  in  English  money. 


12  Isabel  of  Castile 

themselves ;  but  the  independence  they  had  gained 
so  easily  they  placed  in  jeopardy  by  individual 
selfishness  and  mutual  distrust.  It  has  been  said 
with  truth  that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  per- 
suade the  mediaeval  Castilian  noble  to  act  with 
his  fellows.  Pride,  ambition,  the  courage  that 
vaunts  itself  in  duels,  the  revenge  that  lurks, 
dagger-drawn,  in  back  streets  or  lonely  roads: 
these  were  the  source  of  constant  feuds  and  inter- 
necine warfare,  incapable  of  a  final  settlement 
save  by  the  pressure  of  some  outside  force. 

Nor  could  the  noble,  who  distrusted  the  mem- 
bers of  his  own  class,  rely  in  times  of  danger  on 
the  co-operation  of  his  himibler  neighbours. 
Believing  that  war  was  the  profession  of  the 
gentleman,  he  despised  the  burgher,  the  artisan, 
and  the  farmer.  Like  the  French  "seigneur"  he 
had  won  freedom  from  direct  taxation  as  the 
privilege  of  his  Order,  and  thus  lost  touch  com- 
pletely with  the  pecheros  or  "taxable  classes." 
He  had  appropriated  the  majority  of  the  high- 
sounding  offices  of  state,  the  Grand  Constable, 
the  Admiral  of  Castile,  and  so  forth ;  but  he  valued 
them  from  the  wealth  or  honour  they  conveyed, 
not  from  any  sense  of  responsibility.  The  very  fact 
that  such  offices  had  tended  to  become  hereditary 
had  done  much  to  destroy  their  official  character. 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century     13 

An  "Enriquez"  was  Admiral  of  Castile,  not  on 
account  of  his  seamanship,  nor  even  on  the  system 
of  the  modem  English  Cabinet  because  of  a  certain 
"all-round"  ability  to  deal  with  public  business, 
but  because  his  father  and  grandfather  had  held 
the  post  before  him.  The  ricos-hombres  might, 
from  personal  motives,  defy  the  government  or 
nullify  its  measures;  but  in  placing  themselves 
above  the  law  they  had  lost  the  incentive  to  con- 
trol legislation.  A  world  of  experience,  or  rather 
a  lack  of  it,  separated  them  from  those  below,  to 
whom  edicts  and  ordinances  were  a  matter  of 
daily  concern. 

The  Castilian  Church  was  also  in  a  sense  above 
the  law;  for  the  clergy  were  exempt  from  ordinary 
taxation,  paying  to  the  Crown  instead  a  small 
portion  of  their  tithes.  Like  the  nobles  they 
could  neither  be  imprisoned  for  debt  nor  suffer 
torture;  while  legally  they  came  under  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction,  and  were  subject  only  to  its 
penalties  and  censures.  Archbishops,  bishops, 
and  abbots,  were  for  the  most  part  younger  sons 
of  wealthy  nobles  and  shared  the  outlook  and 
ambitions  of  their  class.  The  Castilian  prelate 
of  the  early  fifteenth  century  found  it  as  natural 
to  don  his  suit  of  mail  and  draw  his  sword  as 
to  celebrate  Mass  or  hear  confessions.     It  would 


14  Isabel  of  Castile 

not  be  dislike  of  shedding  blood  nor  a  faint  heart 
that  would  distinguish  him  from  laymen  on  the 
battlefield,  but  the  surcoat  embroidered  with  a 
cross,  that  he  wore  in  deference  to  his  profession. 

The  worldly  character  of  the  higher  ranks  of 
the  clergy  had  permeated  also  to  the  lower;  and 
vice,  ignorance,  and  careless  levity  sapped  the 
influence  of  the  ordinary  parish  priest  and  cor- 
rupted the  monasteries  and  convents.  Here  and 
there  were  signs  of  an  awakening,  but  for  the 
most  part  the  spiritual  conscience  of  the  Castilian 
Church  lay  dormant. 

Its  sense  of  nationality  on  the  other  hand  was 
strong;  that  is  to  say  if  dislike  of  foreign  interfer- 
ence and  strong  racial  prejudice  deserve  such  a 
definition.  Partly  from  very  worldliness,  local 
and  provincial  interests  tended  to  predominate 
over  any  claims  of  a  universal  Church;  and  sub- 
mission to  Rome  was  interpreted  with  a  jealous 
regard  to  private  ambitions.  The  members  of 
the  episcopate,  concerned  in  the  civil  wars  of 
Henry  IV. 's  reign,  looked  on  with  cool  indiffer- 
ence when  a  papal  legate,  vainly  seeking  to 
arbitrate  between  the  armies  on  the  eve  of  a 
battle,  was  forced  to  save  his  life  by  flight.  Simi- 
larly, the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  Primate  of  Castile, 
thought  little  of  throwing  into  a  dungeon  the 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century     15 

candidate  who,  armed  with  letters  of  appointment 
from  Rome,  had  dared  to  dispute  a  rich  Hving  in 
the  diocese  with  his  own  nominee.  The  Pope 
was  a  convenient  "King  Log";  but  his  subjects 
had  not  the  least  wish  for  him  to  develop  the 
authority  of  a  "King  Stork." 

The  Castilian  Church  also  displayed  her  national 
prejudice,  as  we  shall  see  later,  in  her  hatred  and 
suspicion  of  the  alien  races  that  formed  such  a 
large  element  of  the  Spanish  population.  These 
had  sunk  their  roots  deep  in  the  soil  during  the 
centuries  of  Moorish  conquest  when,  from  behind 
the  barrier  of  the  Asturian  mountains  in  the  far 
north-west,  the  pure  Castilian  alone  had  been 
able  to  beat  back  the  advancing  waves  of  Ma- 
hometanism.  As  he  at  length  descended  from  his 
refuge,  where  the  sword  or  the  hunting-spear  had 
been  his  sole  means  of  livelihood,  he  might  profess 
to  despise  the  believers  in  Allah,  from  whom  he 
wrested  back  the  land  of  his  fathers,  but  in  practice 
he  was  glad  enough  to  accept  them  as  a  subject 
race.  The  Moorish  warriors,  who  fell  on  the 
battlefield  or  retreated  southwards  before  their 
foes,  left  in  Christian  territory  a  large  residue  of 
the  more  peaceful  Arabs  and  Berbers,  willing  to 
till  the  fields,  work  at  the  looms,  and  fulfil  all 
those  other  tasks  of  civilized  national  life  that 


i6  Isabel  of  Castile 

the  Castilian  was  inclined  to  imagine  degrading 
to  his  own  dignity.  Left  behind  also  were  colonies 
of  prosperous  Jews,  whose  ancestors,  hounded 
from  every  Christian  court,  had  found  a  home 
under  the  tolerant  rule  of  the  caliphs  of  Cordova. 

Agriculture,  industry,  and  commerce  thus  be- 
came stamped,  unfortunately  for  Spain,  with  the 
taint  of  subjection.  Not  that  the  Castilian  took 
no  share  as  the  years  passed  in  the  economic  life 
of  his  country;  for  the  legislation  of  the  fifteenth 
century  shows  the  middle  and  lower  classes  busily 
engaged  in  occupations  such  as  cattle-breeding, 
sheep-farming,  and  mining;  and,  more  especially 
in  the  south,  of  fruit-growing,  and  the  production 
of  silk,  wine,  and  oil.  The  basis  of  a  progressive 
national  life  was  there ;  but  perpetual  war  against 
the  Moors  and  internal  discord,  combined  with 
racial  prejudice  against  the  industrious  alien,  gave 
to  the  profession  of  arms  a  wholly  disproportionate 
value. 

Many  of  the  towns  were  in  their  origin  border 
outposts;  and  their  massive  towers,  fortified 
churches,  and  thick  walls,  with  the  suburbs 
huddling  close  against  them  for  protection,  marked 
the  enveloping  atmosphere  of  danger.  Since  it 
had  been  difficult  at  first  to  attract  the  industrial 
classes   to   such   surroundings,   rulers   of   Castile 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century     17 

had  been  driven  to  grant  fueros  or  charters, 
to  the  inhabitants  embodying  numerous  privi- 
leges and  a  large  measure  of  self-government. 
Then  the  time  of  danger  passed;  the  CastiHan 
boundary  pushed  farther  south,  and  other  forti- 
fied towns  were  needed  to  defend  it;  but  the  citi- 
zens of  the  old  outposts  clung  jealously  to  the 
fueros  of  their  fathers  and  defied  either  royal 
or  seignorial  control. 

"Ce  sont  de  veritables  petits  etats,"  says  Marie- 
jol,  speaking  of  the  Castilian  mimicipalities  in 
mediaeval  days ;  but  the  description  that  implies  pe- 
culiar powers  shadows  forth  also  peculiar  difficulties. 
The  city  that  would  keep  its  independence  would 
have  to  struggle  continually  against  the  encroach- 
ments both  of  the  Crown  and  of  neighbouring 
territorial  lords.  It  must  for  this  purpose  maintain 
its  own  militia,  and,  most  arduous  of  all,  watch 
carefully  lest  it  should  fall  into  subjection  to  its 
very  defenders.  Not  a  few  of  the  mimicipal 
councils  came  in  time  to  be  dominated  by  a  class 
of  "knights,"  or  nobles  of  secondary  rank,  whose 
quarrels  and  feuds  endangered  industry  and  filled 
the  streets  with  bloodshed. 

The  principal  civic  official  was  the  "regidor"; 
but  the  Crown  had  by  the  early  fifteenth  century 
succeeded  in  introducing  in  many  cases  a  repre- 


i8  Isabel  of  Castile 

sentative,  the  "corregidor,"  whose  business  it 
was  to  look  after  royal  interests.  His  presence 
was  naturally  resented  by  the  more  influential 
citizens  and,  where  he  dealt  corruptly  with  the 
people,  disliked  by  all;  but  an  honest  corregidor, 
who  was  unconnected  with  local  families  and 
therefore  without  interest  in  the  local  feuds,  and 
who  had  no  axe  of  his  own  to  grind,  was  a  God- 
sent  help  to  the  poorer  classes. 

Besides  appointing  corregidors,  the  Crown  had 
also  begun  to  influence  the  municipalities  in  an- 
other way,  through  a  gradually  increasing  control 
of  the  "Cortes,"  or  national  parliament  of  Castile. 
This  body  consisted  of  three  "Estates";  the 
nobles,  whether  ricos-hombres  or  hidalgos  of 
lesser  grade;  ecclesiastics;  and  the  Third  Estate, 
or  "Commons."  An  occasion  of  outward  or 
obvious  importance,  when  a  succession  or  a  Council 
of  Regency  were  under  dispute,  or  if  an  oath  of 
homage  to  a  new  sovereign  or  the  confirmation  of 
some  unprecedented  act  were  required;  all  three 
"Estates"  would  meet  together  at  whatever  town 
the  King  happened  to  be  staying.  Such  was  a 
"General  Cortes." 

An  ordinary  Cortes  was  of  a  very  different 
character ;  for,  since  its  business  mainly  concerned 
taxation,  only  the  Commons,  or  "taxable"  ele- 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century     19 

ment  of  the  population  was  in  the  habit  of  attend- 
ing. In  the  early  days  of  Castilian  history  the 
number  of  places  represented  was  unlimited;  but 
a  right  that  in  the  disordered  state  of  the  country 
was  both  expensive  and  tiresome,  if  not  actually 
dangerous,  was  regarded  as  a  burden  by  most 
of  the  municipalities.  By  the  fifteenth  century 
only  seventeen  cities  and  towns  sent  members  to 
the  Cortes.  These  were:  Toledo,  Burgos,  Seville, 
Cordova,  Murcia,  Leon,  Segovia,  Avila,  Salamanca, 
Zamora,  Cuenca,  Jaen,  Valladolid,  Madrid,  Toro, 
Soria,  and  Guadalajara,  while  Granada  was 
added  after  her  conquest  in  1492. 

The  "Procuradores,"  or  representatives,  were 
in  theory  free  to  act  at  their  own  discretion; 
but  in  practice  they  went  tied  by  the  in- 
structions of  their  fellow-citizens.  Nor  had  they 
much  scope  for  independence  in  the  Cortes 
itself;  for  though  they  might  and  did  air  their 
grievances  and  press  for  reform,  redress  rested 
with  the  Crown  and  did  not  precede  but  follow 
the  assent  to  taxation.  All  legislative  power 
was  in  fact  invested  in  the  King;  who  might 
reject,  amend,  or  accept  suggestions  as  he 
thought  fit. 

"We  hold  that  the  matter  of  your  petition  is  to 


20  Isabel  of  Castile 

effect."  Such  phrases  expressed  sovereignty  in  a 
gracious  mood,  and  all  were  satisfied;  while  the 
absence  of  royal  sanction  sent  the  procurador  back 
to  his  city,  his  efforts  wasted.  He  could,  of  course, 
on  the  next  occasion  that  the  King,  in  need  of 
money,  summoned  his  deputies  to  grant  it,  refuse 
the  supply ;  but  in  the  meantime  three  more  years 
might  have  elapsed  and  conditions  and  needs  would 
have  altered.  Moreover  a  system  of  bribes  and 
flattery  went  far  to  bring  the  Commons  into  line 
with  the  royal  will;  while  the  short-sighted  com- 
plaints of  some  of  the  municipalities  at  the  expense 
of  maintaining  their  representatives  paved  the  way 
for  the  Crown  to  accept  the  burden,  thereby  estab- 
lishing an  effective  control  over  those  who  became 
practically  its  nominees. 

That  the  towns  missed  the  future  significance 
of  this  change  is  hardly  surprising.  The  civil 
wars  that  devastated  Castile  had  taught  the 
people  that  their  most  dangerous  enemies  were 
not  their  kings  but  the  turbulent  aristocracy;  and 
they  often  looked  to  the  former  as  allies  against 
a  common  foe.  In  the  same  way  the  more  patri- 
otic of  the  nobles  and  ecclesiastics  saw  in  the 
building  up  of  the  royal  power  the  only  hope  of 
carrying  the  crusade  against  the  Moors  to  a 
successful  conclusion,  or  of  establishing  peace  at 


Castile  in  the  Fifteenth  Century     21 

home.  At  this  critical  moment  in  the  history  of 
Castile,  national  progress  depended  on  royal 
dominance;  and  it  was  Queen  Isabel  who  by 
establishing  the  one  made  possible  the  other. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE    REIGN  OF   HENRY  IV.:      MISGOVERNMENT 
I454-I463 

"  T  THE  King  .  .  .  make  known  to  you  that 
■*■  by  the  grace  of  Our  Lord,  this  Thursday  just 
past  the  Queen  Dona  Isabel,  my  dear  and  well- 
beloved  wife,  was  delivered  of  a  daughter;  the 
which  I  tell  you  that  you  may  give  thanks  to  God." 
With  this  announcement  of  her  birth  to  the 
chief  men  of  Segovia  was  "Isabel  of  Castile" 
ushered  by  her  father  John  II.  into  public  life; 
but  on  that  April  day  of  1451  none  could  have 
suspected  the  important  part  she  would  play  in 
the  history  of  her  country.  The  futtire  of  the 
throne  was  already  provided  for  in  the  person  of 
her  elder  half-brother,  Henry,  Prince  of  Asturias; 
and  nearly  three  years  later  the  birth  of  another 
brother,  Alfonso,  made  that  inheritance  apparently 
secure  from  any  inconvenience  of  a  female  suc- 
cession. 

22 


■aduoivrcudha' 

Dmi'Unlgtta- 
ninUiud*v>^ 


HENRY    IV. 

FROM    "bOLETIN    DE   LA   REAL  ACADEMIA   OE   LA   HISTORIA,"    VOL.    LXII. 

FROM   A   PHOTOGRAPH   BY    MAUSER   AND    MENET 


[1454-1463]     Henry  IV. :  Misgovernment    23 

Castile  was  at  this  time  nearing  the  end  of  a 
long  and  inglorious  reign,  signalized  by  the  strug- 
gles of  the  King  and  his  selfish  favourite  against 
the  domination  of  an  equally  selfish  nobility. 
The  latter  triumphed ;  the  favourite  was  beheaded 
and  John  II.,  broken-hearted  at  his  own  weakness 
in  agreeing  to  the  sentence,  died  in  the  following 
year.  His  life '  had  been  one  long  negation  of 
everything  for  which  true  kingship  stands, — 
dignity,  honour,  and  power;  but  the  son  who 
succeeded  to  his  title  and  troubles  was  even  less 
fitted  for  the  task. 

Feeble  and  vain,  Henry,  Prince  of  Asturias,  had 
been  from  boyhood  the  puppet  of  his  father's 
rebellious  nobles,  led  by  their  flattery  into  attack- 
ing the  royal  authority  that  it  would  be  one  day 
his  duty  to  maintain. 

"In  him,"  says  the  chronicler  Pulgar,  "desire 
had  the  mastery  over  reason";  and,  when  he 
ascended  the  throne,  it  was  with  a  character  and 
constitution  that  self-indulgence  had  utterly  un- 
dermined. One  virtue  he  possessed,  strangely 
out  of  keeping  with  his  age,  a  compassion  arising 
from  dislike  of  bloodshed;  but,  since  he  failed  to 
draw  any  distinction  between  justice  and  indis- 
criminate mercy,  this  attribute  rather  endangered 
than    distinguished    his    rule.     A    corresponding 


24  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

indifference,  also,  to  his  property,  and  a  reluctance 
to  punish  those  who  tampered  with  it,  might  have 
a  ring  of  magnificence,  but  it  could  hardly  inspire 
awe  of  the  King's  law. 

The  problems  by  which  Henry  was  faced  at 
the  beginning  of  his  reign  were  not  acutely  dan- 
gerous ;  and  their  chief  difficulty  lay  in  the  constant 
friction  between  Castile  and  the  neighbouring 
kingdom  of  Aragon.  Between  these  two  the  tie 
of  mutual  descent  from  the  House  of  Trastamara 
had  been  drawn  ever  closer  by  frequent  inter- 
marriage. Henry  IV.  was  not  only  cousin  of 
Alfonso  V.  of  Aragon,  but  also  his  nephew,  while 
he  was  son-in-law  to  Alfonso's  ambitious  brother, 
John,  King  of  Navarre.  Here  was  scope  for  the 
time-honoured  right  of  family  interference,  a 
right  strengthened  by  quarrels  as  to  confiscated 
property  and  abused  privileges. 

It  is  only  fair  to  say  of  Alfonso  V.  himself, 
that  he  took  little  part  in  these  feuds.  A  true 
Aragonese  by  instinct,  though  of  Castilian  descent, 
his  interests  were  not  so  much  directed  towards 
acquiring  Spanish  territory  as  to  extending  a 
maritime  empire  in  the  East.  Such  had  been  for 
generations  the  ambition  of  a  kingdom,  whose 
backbone  was  the  hardy  race  of  Catalan  merchants 
and  sailors.   Alfonso  dreamed  of  making  Barcelona 


ALFONSO   V.    OF   ARAGON 
FROM    "  ICONOGRAFIA   ESPANOLA  '•    BY  VALENTIN   CAROERERA  Y   SOLANO 


1463]       Henry  IV:  Misgovernment         25 

and  Valencia  the  rivals  of  Genoa  and  Venice. 
To  this  purpose  he  strengthened  his  hold  over 
Sardinia,  and  fought  with  the  Genoese  for  the 
sovereignty  of  Corsica.  Foiled  in  his  designs  on 
that  island  by  a  superior  fleet,  he  sailed  away  to 
make  good  a  claim  that  Joanna  II.  of  Naples  had 
allowed  him  to  establish,  when  in  a  capricious 
moment  she  had  adopted  him  as  her  son.  What 
favour  and  affection  she  had  to  bestow,  and  she 
was  capable  of  very  little,  she  had  given  to  the 
House  of  Anjou;  and  when  she  died  without 
descendants,  Naples  became  the  battle-ground 
of  Aragonese  and  French  claimants. 

Alfonso  v.,  after  a  series  of  misfortunes,  was 
at  length  victorious;  and  delighted  with  this  new 
kingdom,  the  land  of  sunshine  and  culture  in  spite 
of  the  grim  background  of  its  history,  he  estab- 
lished his  court  there,  and  henceforth  ranked  rather 
as  an  Italian  than  a  Spanish  sovereign. 

While,  at  his  ease,  he  wove  chimerical  schemes  of 
a  crusade  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
and  extended  a  liberal  patronage  to  Renaissance 
poets  and  philosophers;  his  wife.  Queen  Maria, 
remained  as  regent  at  home,  and  strove  to  keep 
peace  with  Castile  and  temper  the  ambitions  of 
her  brothers-in-law.  This  was  a  well-nigh  im- 
possible task,  for  John  the  eldest  and  most  tur- 


26  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

bulent,  in  default  of  any  legitimate  descendants 
of  Alfonso,  was  heir  to  the  Aragonese  throne.  A 
judicious  marriage  with  Blanche,  the  heiress  of  a 
small  state  of  Navarre,  had  made  him  virtual 
master  of  that  kingdom,  when  on  her  father's 
death  in  1425  they  assumed  the  joint  sovereignty. 

Fiction  has  never  devised  a  more  painful  domes- 
tic tragedy  than  resulted  from  this  match.  Of 
the  three  children  of  Blanche  and  John  of  Navarre, 
the  death  of  two  was  to  be  laid  at  their  father's 
door,  the  third  to  earn  the  unenviable  reputation 
of  connivance  in  a  sister's  murder.  The  Queen, 
with  some  premonition  of  the  future,  strove  feebly 
on  her  death-bed  to  guard  against  it,  and  in  her 
will,  that  left  her  son  Charles  of  Viana  as  the 
rightful  ruler  of  Navarre,  she  begged  him  not  to 
claim  the  title  of  King  in  his  father's  lifetime.  To 
this  the  Prince  agreed,  but  the  attempt  at  com- 
promise was  to  prove  ineffectual. 

In  1447,  King  John  married  again,  a  woman  of 
very  different  temperament  to  his  former  wife. 
This  lady,  Joanna  Enriquez,  daughter  of  the 
Admiral  of  Castile,  was  as  unscrupulous  and 
greedy  of  power  as  her  husband,  and  from  the 
first  adopted  the  r61e  of  "cruel  stepmother." 
The  birth  of  her  son,  Ferdinand,  in  March,  1452, 
set  fire  to  the  slumbering  jealousy  she  had  con- 


1463I       Henry  IV:  Misgovernment         2^^ 

ceived  for  Charles  of  Viana,  and  henceforth  she 
devoted  her  talents  and  energy  to  removing  him 
from  her  path. 

It  is  the  penalty  of  public  characters  that  their 
private  life  is  not  only  exposed  to  the  limelight, 
but  its  disagreements  involve  the  interference  of 
many  who  are  not  directly  concerned.  The 
hatred  of  Queen  Joanna  for  her  stepson  not  only 
convulsed  Navarre  and  Aragon  but  dragged 
Castile  also  into  the  scandal. 

Throughout  the  long  reign  of  John  11.  of  Castile, 
the  King  of  Navarre  had  on  various  pretexts 
interfered  continually  in  his  cousin's  affairs.  On 
some  occasions  he  had  posed  as  the  protector  of 
sovereignty  from  the  schemes  of  an  ambitious 
favourite.  On  others  he  had  been  an  open  rebel, 
harrying  the  royal  demesnes,  or  sulkily  plotting 
revenge  when,  as  the  result  of  his  rebellion,  the 
estates  he  had  inherited  in  Castile  were  taken  from 
him.  Through  all  these  vicissitudes  the  thread 
of  his  policy  ran  clear, — to  fish  in  waters  that  he 
himself  had  previously  troubled.  If  his  own 
haul  proved  empty,  he  could  at  least  boast  of 
spoiling  the  sport  of  others. 

In  1440,  in  a  brief  moment  of  reconciliation 
with  Castile,  he  married  his  eldest  daughter 
Blanche  to  Henry,  then  Prince  of  Asturias,  and 


28  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

was  thus  provided  with  a  plausible  excuse  for 
henceforth  thwarting  his  cousin  in  his  son-in-law's 
interests.  From  no  other  point  of  view  could 
the  alliance  be  called  a  success.  Henry  proved 
as  faithless  a  husband  as  he  was  disloyal  a  son; 
and,  after  thirteen  years  of  fruitless  union,  the 
marriage  was  annulled  on  the  grounds  of  impotence. 

Blanche  returned  to  her  own  land;  but  her 
father  found  the  man  who  had  been  her  husband 
too  useful  an  ally  to  resent  her  repudiation,  and 
as  soon  as  Henry  became  King  he  agreed  to  a 
treaty  by  which,  in  return  for  an  annual  income, 
he  surrendered  any  rights  he  might  have  to  estates 
or  property  in  Castile.  With  such  a  settlement 
the  political  horizon  seemed  fair ;  but  the  Castilian 
royal  favourite,  Juan  Pacheco,  Marquis  of  Villena, 
to  whom  a  lion's  share  of  the  said  estates  had  fallen, 
mistrusted  its  serenity,  believing  that  as  soon  as 
the  King  of  Navarre  succeeded  his  brother  Alfonso 
V.  on  the  throne  of  Aragon,  he  would  revive 
claims  so  obviously  to  his  advantage. 

The  Marquis  of  Villena  was  deaf  to  the  voice 
of  patriotism  or  personal  loyalty  to  his  master, 
but  he  was  more  than  ordinarily  acute,  where  his 
own  prosperity  was  concerned.  He  had  garnered 
successfully  the  confiscated  property,  but  "he 
lived"  we  are  told  "always  with  the  fear  of  losing 


JUAN    PACHECO,    MARQUIS   OF  VILLENA 

FROM  "  ICONOGRAFIA  ESPANOLA  "  BY  VALENTIN  CARDERERA  Y  SOLANO 


1463]       Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        29 

it,  as  those  live  who  possess  what  does  not  belong 
to  them." 

In  this  malicious  but  eminently  shrewd  estimate 
of  his  attitude  lies  the  clue  to  the  tortuous  mazes 
in  which  he  involved  Castile.  Pacheco  was  a 
noble  of  Portuguese  extraction,  who  had  entered 
Prince  Henry's  service  as  a  page,  being  created 
Marquis  of  Villena  by  John  II.  When  that 
sovereign  died,  the  favourite  succeeded  to  the 
practical  sovereignty  of  Castile  through  the  in- 
fluence he  had  acquired  over  his  master's  weak 
and  impressionable  nature.  It  was  a  position 
that  would  have  dazzled  and  satisfied  most  favour- 
ites, but  Pacheco  despised  all  but  the  most  tangible 
gains.  Power  was  reckoned  in  his  vocabulary  as 
a  means  towards  procuring  fresh  wealth,  and  for 
this  his  thirst  was  insatiable.  All  King  Henry's 
eagerness  to  alienate  royal  estates  and  revenues  in 
his  favour  failed  to  meet  his  constant  demand  for 
fresh  grants  either  to  himself  or  to  his  immediate 
relatives.  The  gift  of  half  a  province,  with  the 
lordship  of  all  its  towns  and  castles  would  leave 
him  envious  of  the  small  village  across  the  border, 
whose  rent-roll  passed  into  other  pockets. 

"  He  knew,"  says  the  chronicler,  "how  to  conceal 
all  other  vices  save  his  greed :  that  he  could  neither 
conceal  nor  moderate." 


30  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

In  pursuance  of  his  own  interests  Villena,  who 
distrusted  the  King  of  Navarre's  future  intentions, 
suggested  a  counter-alliance  with  Portugal.  This 
western  kingdom  had  always  seemed  in  danger  of 
absorption  by  its  more  powerful  neighbour;  once 
their  common  enemy,  the  Moor,  had  been  driven 
southwards ;  but  good  fortune  and  a  spirit  of  sturdy 
independence  had  preserved  its  freedom.  By  the 
great  victory  of  Aljubarrota  in  1385  Portugal  had 
vindicated  her  claim  to  be  a  separate  nationality; 
and  Castile,  leaving  the  flower  of  her  chivalry 
dead  on  the  battlefield,  had  retired  to  nurse  her 
resentment  in  secret.  Nearly  a  century  had 
passed,  and  mutual  hatred  still  smouldered  be- 
tween the  two  peoples,  though  frequent  inter- 
marriage had  long  broken  down  the  barriers  in 
the  case  of  the  royal  families. 

The  bride  now  selected  by  Henry  IV.  was  the 
Infanta  Joanna,  sister  of  the  reigning  King,  Alfonso 
v.,  a  lady  of  sufficient  youth  and  beauty  to  appeal, 
at  any  rate  temporarily,  to  her  bridegroom's  jaded 
taste.  Her  journey  to  her  new  home  was  a  tri- 
umphal progress  of  banquets  and  receptions, 
culminating  in  jousts  and  feasts  at  Madrid,  where 
a  crowning  touch  of  extravagant  display  was  given 
by  Alonso  de  Fonseca,  Archbishop  of  Seville, 
when,  after  a  magnificent  banquet,  he  ordered 


1463]       Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        31 

salvers,  laden  with  rings  and  precious  stones  to 
be  handed  round,  that  the  Queen  and  her  ladies 
might  take  their  choice. 

Unfortunately,  real  feelings,  if  they  had  ever 
been  in  tune,  ceased  to  correspond  with  these 
outward  rejoicings.  Henry  soon  tired  of  his 
bride,  probably  because  he  was  legally  bound  to 
her,  and  bestowed  his  attentions  instead  on  a 
Portuguese  lady  of  her  retinue,  Dona  Guiomar. 
The  latter  increased  the  Queen's  mortification  by 
her  insolent  behaviour;  and,  after  a  stormy  scene, 
in  which  royal  dignity  was  thrown  to  the  winds  and 
slaps  and  blows  were  administered,  Henry  removed 
his  mistress  to  a  country-house.  The  Court,  watch- 
ing to  see  which  way  the  wind  would  blow,  divided 
into  factions  according  to  its  decision;  the  Mar- 
quis of  Villena  supporting  the  Queen,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Seville  the  cause  of  Dofia  Guiomar. 

Matters  became  even  more  serious  when  scan- 
dal, always  busy  with  the  King's  name,  began  to 
attack  the  honour  of  his  bride.  Queen  Joanna, 
who  according  to  Zurita  had  objected  to  the 
match  from  the  first,  was  incapable  of  the  gentle 
resignation  of  her  predecessor,  Blanche  of  Navarre. 
As  extravagant  and  devoted  to  pleasure  as  her 
husband,  she  had  no  intention  of  playing  the  role 
of  deserted  wife. 


32  Isabel  of  Castile  I1454- 

"She  was  a  woman  to  whom  love  speeches  were 
pleasant  .  .  .  dehghting  more  in  the  beauty  of 
her  face  than  in  the  glory  of  her  reputation." 
Such  was  the  court  chronicler's  summary  of  her 
character;  nor  did  public  opinion  remain  vague 
in  its  accusations. 

Amongst  the  principal  Castilian  nobles  was  a 
certain  Beltran  de  La  Cueva,  who  by  his  handsome 
looks  and  adroit  manners  had  gained  for  himself 
the  King's  confidence  and  the  lucrative  office  of 
"Mayordomo,"  or  Lord  High  Steward. 

On  one  occasion  the  King  and  Queen  had  been 
entertaining  the  ambassadors  of  the  Duke  of 
Brittany  at  their  country-house  at  Pardo.  Re- 
turning to  Madrid  after  three  days'  hunting,  they 
found  on  nearing  the  city  that  Beltran  de  La 
Cueva,  gorgeously  arrayed,  was  waiting  lance  in 
hand  to  challenge  all  who  came  by  that  road. 
This  was  a  form  of  entertainment  highly  popular 
with  the  chivalry  of  the  time;  and  the  tiers  of 
scaffolding  erected  for  spectators  were  soon 
crowded. 

Every  knight,  as  he  rode  up,  was  simimoned  to 
tilt  six  rounds  with  the  Mayordomo  or  to  leave 
his  left  glove  in  token  of  his  cowardice.  If  he 
succeeded  in  shivering  three  lances,  he  might  go 
to  a  wooden  archway,  resplendent  with  letters  of 


1463]       Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        33 

gold,  and  from  there  take  the  initial  of  the  lady 
of  his  choice.  This  famous  "Passage  of  Arms" 
lasted  from  morning  till  sunset;  and  thus  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  Court  did  Beltran  de  La  Cueva 
maintain  the  cause  of  an  unknown  beauty,  to 
whom  rumour  gave  no  less  a  name  than  that  of 
royalty  itself. 

If  the  King  had  his  suspicions,  they  did  not 
hinder  his  pleasure  in  the  spectacle;  and  he  pro- 
ceeded to  celebrate  the  event  by  establishing  a 
monastery  on  the  site,  to  be  called  "San  Jeronimo 
del  Paso,"  or  "Saint  Jerome  of  the  Passage  of 
Arms."  Such  an  origin  for  a  religious  foundation 
was  to  say  the  least  of  it  bizarre ;  yet  it  compares 
favourably  with  Henry's  cynical  appointment  of 
a  discarded  mistress  as  abbess  of  a  convent  in 
Toledo,  on  the  excuse  that  the  said  convent  was 
in  need  of  reform. 

Little  good  could  be  expected  from  a  Court 
whose  rulers  set  such  an  example  of  licence  and 
selfish  pleasure;  but,  fortunately  for  Castile,  her 
hopes  for  the  future  lay  not  in  the  idle  throng  that 
surrounded  Henry  IV.  and  Joanna,  but  in  the  old 
walled  town  of  Arevalo.  Here,  since  the  death  of 
John  II.,  had  lived  his  widow,  Isabel  of  Portugal, 
and  her  two  children,  in  an  atmosphere  rendered 
doubly  retired  by  her  own  permanent  ill-health. 


34  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

"Her  illness,"  according  to  the  chronicler,  "was 
so  grievous  and  constant  that  she  could  in  no  way 
recover";  and  with  conventional  propriety  he 
attributes  the  cause  to  grief  at  the  loss  of  her 
husband.  This  may  have  been,  though  John  II. 
was  hardly  the  type  of  man  to  inspire  une 
grande  passion.  It  is  more  likely  that  her  mind 
was  already  the  prey  of  the  burden  of  melan- 
choly that  became  the  curse  of  her  descendants; 
and  that  the  malady  was  aggravated  by  the 
uncertainty  of  her  new  position. 

According  to  one  of  the  royal  chaplains  Henry 
treated  his  half-brother  and  sister  "with  much 
love  and  honour  and  no  less  the  Queen  their 
mother."  This  account,  however,  conflicts  with 
Pulgar's  description  of  Isabel  as  "brought  up  in 
great  necessity."  It  is  more  than  probable  that 
the  fortunes  of  the  family  at  Arevalo  varied  with 
the  policy  or  whim  of  the  Marquis  of  Villena; 
and  thus,  in  her  most  impressionable  years,  the 
little  Princess  learned  her  first  lessons  in  the  hard 
school  of  experience.  Such  a  theory  would  ex- 
plain the  extraordinary  discretion  and  foresight 
she  displayed  at  an  age  when  most  girls  are  still 
dreaming  of  unrealities.  If  the  contrast  is  not 
wholly  to  her  advantage,  and  precocity  is  seldom 
charming,  we  must  remember  that  only  sheltered 


1463]       Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        35 

fruit  can  keep  its  bloom.  What  Isabel  lost  of 
childish  softness,  she  gained  in  self-reliance  and 
a  shrewd  estimate  of  the  difference  between  true 
and  false. 

Though  far  enough  removed  from  the  succession 
to  escape  the  flattery  that  had  ruined  her  elder 
brother,  she  was  early  a  pawn  on  the  political 
chess-board,  and  by  the  age  of  six  had  made  her 
debut  in  the  matrimonial  market.  Henry  IV. 
and  King  John  of  Navarre  were  at  that  time  eager 
to  show  their  mutual  love  and  confidence;  and  a 
double  alliance  was  suggested  that  would  make 
this  patent  to  all  the  world.  For  Isabel  was 
destined  John's  favourite  son,  the  five-year-old 
Ferdinand,  while  the  latter's  sister  Leonora  was 
chosen  as  bride  for  the  little  Alfonso,  Henry's 
half-brother. 

Amid  all  the  turns  of  Fortune's  wheel  that  were 
to  bring  in  search  of  Isabel's  hand  now  one  suitor, 
now  another,  this  first  alliance  alone  was  to  reach 
consummation;  yet  few,  versed  in  the  changing 
politics  of  the  day,  could  have  believed  it  likely. 
The  kings  had  sworn  eternal  friendship;  but  in 
little  more  than  twelve  months  an  event  happened 
that  made  of  their  treaties  and  complimentary 
letters  a  heap  of  waste  paper. 

In  1458,  Alfonso  V.  died  at  Naples  leaving  his 


36  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

newly-acquired  Italian  kingdom  to  his  illegitimate 
son  Ferrante,  and  the  rest  of  his  dominions, 
including  the  island  of  Sicily,  to  his  brother 
John.  The  latter  was  now  in  a  far  stronger  posi- 
tion than  ever  before;  he  need  not  depend  on 
Henry's  friendship;  indeed  his  inheritance  from 
past  rulers  was  rather  a  policy  of  feud  and  aggres- 
sion against  the  neighbouring  kingdom,  while  the 
influence  of  his  father-in-law,  the  Admiral  of 
Castile,  drew  him  in  the  same  direction. 

This  Admiral,  Don  Fadrique  Enriquez,  was 
himself  a  descendant  of  the  royal  House  of  Trasta- 
mara;  and  his  haughty  and  choleric  nature  found 
the  dreary  level  of  loyalty  little  to  its  taste.  His 
sense  of  importance,  vastly  increased  by  his 
daughter's  brilliant  marriage,  revelled  in  plots  of 
all  sorts ;  and  soon  conspiracy  was  afoot,  and  he  and 
the  majority  of  Castilian  nobles  were  secretly 
leagued  with  John  of  Aragon  against  their  own 
sovereign.  Even  the  Marquis  of  Villena  consented 
to  flirt  with  their  proposals,  in  the  hope  of  reaping 
some  benefit;  while  his  uncle,  the  Archbishop  of 
Toledo,  and  his  brother,  Don  Pedro  Giron,  Master 
of  Calatrava,  were  amongst  the  leading  members 
of  the  league. 

Looking  about  him  for  an  ally,  Henry's  glance 
lit  naturally  on  Charles  of  Viana,  whose  disputes 


1463]       Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        37 

with  his  father  had  reached  a  stage  beyond  the 
chance  of  any  peaceful  settlement.  Navarre, 
always  a  prey  to  factions  as  irreconcilable  as  Mon- 
tagues and  Capulets,  had  broken  into  civil  war 
on  the  advent  of  Queen  Joanna  as  regent;  the 
powerful  family  of  the  Agramonts  welcoming  her 
eagerly;  while  the  Beaumonts,  their  rivals,  out  of 
favour  at  Court  and  wild  with  jealousy,  called 
hourly  upon  Charles  to  avenge  their  wrongs  and 
his  own.  His  mother's  will,  leaving  Navarre  to 
her  husband  during  his  lifetime,  had,  they  de- 
clared, been  made  null  and  void  by  the  King's 
subsequent  remarriage.  Not  only  was  it  the 
duty  of  a  son  to  resist  such  unlawful  tyranny,  but 
it  was  folly  to  refuse  with  imprisonment  or  a 
poison  cup  lurking  in  the  background. 

The  latter  argument  was  convincing;  but  never 
was  rebellion  undertaken  with  a  heavier  heart. 
The  Prince  of  Viana  was  a  student  and  philosopher 
who,  like  the  Clerk  of  Oxenford,  would  have  pre- 
ferred a  shelf  of  Aristotle's  books  at  his  bed's  head 
to  the  richest  robes,  or  fiddle,  or  psaltery.  The 
quiet  of  a  monastery  library,  with  its  smell  of 
dust  and  parchment,  thrilled  him  more  than  any 
trumpet-call ;  and  he  would  gladly  have  exchanged 
his  birthright  for  the  monk's  garb  of  peace.  For- 
tune willed  otherwise,  laying  on  his  shoulders  in 


38  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

pitiless  mockery  the  burden  of  the  man  of  action; 
and  the  result  was  the  defeat  that  is  the  usual 
reward  of  half-heartedness. 

His  uncle's  Court  at  Naples  proved  a  temporary 
asylimi  for  him  in  his  subsequent  enforced  exile; 
and  also  the  island  of  Sicily,  where  he  soon  won 
the  affection  of  the  people,  and  lived  in  happiness, 
till  Alfonso's  death  awoke  him  rudely  from  his 
day-dreams.  He  was  overwhelmed  by  fear  for 
his  own  future;  though,  had  he  been  a  different 
man,  he  might  have  wrested  away  the  sceptre 
of  Sicily.  In  Aragon  itself  public  opinion  had 
been  growing  steadily  in  his  favour,  and  not 
only  in  Navarre  were  there  murmurs  at  his 
absence,  but  up  and  down  the  streets  of  Bar- 
celona, where  the  new  King  was  far  from  popu- 
lar, and  his  haughty  Castilian  wife  an  object  of 
dislike. 

Prudence  dictated  to  King  John  a  policy  of 
reconciliation;  and  after  prolonged  negotiations 
the  exile  returned;  but  the  cold  forgiveness  he 
received  from  his  father  and  stepmother  for  the 
wrongs  they  had  done  him  was  in  marked  contrast 
to  the  joyous  welcome  of  the  nation.  No  outward 
ceremony  of  a  loving  father  pardoning  a  prodigal 
son  could  mask  the  lack  of  confidence  that  still 
denied  the  Prince  his  recognition  as  rightful  heir, 


1463]       Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        39 

and  drove  him  to  enter  into  a  secret  alliance  with 
Henry  IV.  of  Castile. 

As  a  result  of  these  negotiations,  a  marriage 
was  arranged  between  Charles  and  the  Infanta 
Isabel.  That  the  suggested  bride  was  only  ten 
and  the  bridegroom  nearing  forty  was  a  discrep- 
ancy not  even  considered;  and  the  messengers, 
who  went  to  Arevalo  to  report  on  the  appearance 
of  the  Princess,  returned  to  her  suitor,  as  the 
chroniclers  expressed  it,  "very  well  content." 
Far  different  were  the  feelings  of  the  King  of 
Aragon,  when  he  learned  of  the  intended  match 
from  his  father-in-law,  the  Admiral  of  Castile. 
Isabel  had  been  destined  for  his  favourite  son, 
and,  in  spite  of  the  conspiracy  to  which  he  had 
lent  his  aid,  this  alliance  still  held  outwardly  good. 
It  did  not  need  the  jealous  insinuations  of  his  wife 
to  inflame  afresh  his  hatred  of  his  first-born ;  and 
the  Prince  of  Viana  soon  found  himself  in  prison, 
accused  of  no  less  a  crime  than  plotting  against 
his   father's   life. 

Unfortunately  for  King  John,  popiilar  belief 
ran  in  a  contrary  direction,  and  his  son's  release 
was  soon  demanded  by  all  parts  of  the  kingdom. 
In  Barcelona,  the  citizens  rose,  tore  down  the 
royal  standard  and  took  the  Governor  prisoner. 
Revolt  flamed  through  the  land;  but  even  more 


40  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

alarming  was  the  sudden  declaration  of  war  by 
Henry  IV.,  who,  taking  advantage  of  the  King 
of  Aragon's  embarrassments,  hastily  dispatched  a 
force  to  invade  Navarre,  where  the  Beaumonts 
were  already  in  the  field. 

It  was  a  bitter  moment  for  King  John.  Realiz- 
ing his  critical  position,  he  agreed  to  his  son's 
release ;  and  Charles  of  Viana  passed  in  triumph  to 
Barcelona.  For  once,  almost  without  his  inter- 
vention, Fortune  had  smiled  on  him ;  but  it  proved 
only  a  gleam  before  the  final  storm.  Three  months 
after  he  had  been  publicly  proclaimed  as  his 
father's  heir,  the  news  of  his  sudden  illness  and 
death  fell  on  his  supporters  with  paralysing 
swiftness. 

Nothing,  on  the  other  hand,  could  have  been 
more  opportune  for  King  John  and  his  Queen; 
and  their  joy  can  be  gauged  by  the  haste  with 
which  they  at  once  proclaimed  the  ten-year-old 
Ferdinand  heir  to  the  throne,  demanding  from 
the  national  Cortes  of  the  three  kingdoms  the 
oath  they  had  so  long  denied  his  elder  brother. 
Yet  Queen  Joanna's  maternal  ambitions  were  not 
to  be  satisfied  by  this  easy  assumption  of  victory. 
Charles  of  Viana  dead  was  to  prove  an  even  more 
potent  foe  than  Charles  of  Viana  living. 

Gentle  and  imassuming,  yet  with  a  melancholy 


1463I      Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        41 

dignity  that  accorded  well  with  his  misfortunes, 
he  had  been  accepted  as  a  national  hero  by  the 
impulsive  Catalans;  and  after  death  they  trans- 
lated the  rather  negative  qualities  of  his  life  into 
the  attributes  of  a  saint.  Only  the  halo  of  mar- 
tyrdom was  required  to  fire  the  general  sympathy 
into  religious  fervour;  and  this  rumour  supplied 
when  it  maintained  that  his  tragic  end  had  been 
due  to  no  ordinary  fever,  but  to  poison  adminis- 
tered by  his  stepmother's  orders. 

The  supposition  was  not  improbable;  and  the 
inhabitants  of  Barcelona  did  not  trouble  to  verify 
the  very  scanty  evidence  for  the  actual  fact. 
They  preferred  to  rest  their  accusations  on  the 
tales  of  those  who  had  seen  the  Prince's  unhappy 
spirit,  like  Hamlet's  father,  walking  abroad  at 
midnight  demanding  revenge.  Soon  his  tomb 
became  a  shrine  for  pilgrims,  and  there  the  last 
touch  of  sanctity  was  added.  He  who  in  life  had 
suffered  acutely  from  ill-health  became  in  death 
a  worker  of  miracles,  a  healer  whom  no  absence  of 
papal  sanction  could  rob  of  popular  canonization. 

The  effect  upon  the  public  mind  was  to  fan 
smouldering  rebellion  into  flames;  and  when  Queen 
Joanna,  having  gained  the  recognition  of  her  son 
as  heir  to  the  throne  by  the  Aragonese  Cortes  at 
Calatayud,   proceeded  with   the  same  object  to 


42  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

Barcelona,  the  citizens  rose  and  drove  her  from 
their  gates.  Only  the  timely  intervention  of  some 
French  troops,  which  Louis  XI.  had  just  hired 
out  to  King  John,  saved  her  and  Ferdinand  from 
falling  into  the  hands  of  their  furious  subjects. 

This  foreign  assistance  had  contributed  not 
a  little  to  the  bitterness  of  the  Catalans,  for 
the  French  King  had  secretly  encouraged  their 
turbulence  and  disaffection,  promising  them  his 
support. 

"As  for  peace  he  could  hardly  endure  the  thought 
of  it,"  wrote  Philip  de  Commines  of  his  master, 
Louis  XL  That  monarch,  like  King  John  of 
Aragon,  had  studied  the  art  of  "making  trouble," 
and  in  this  truly  mediaeval  pursuit  excelled  all 
rivals.  It  suited  his  purpose  admirably  that  his 
ambitious  neighbour  should  be  involved  in  civil 
war,  just  as  it  fitted  in  with  his  schemes  that  his 
troops  should  prevent  that  conflict  from  going  too 
far.  The  question  was  all  part  and  parcel  of  his 
policy  of  French  aggrandizement;  the  ultimate 
object  of  his  design  nothing  less  than  the  king- 
dom of  Navarre,  that  semi-independent  state, 
nominally  Spanish,  but  projecting  in  a  tantalizing 
wedge  across  the  Pyrenees. 

With  Charles  of  Viana  the  male  line  of  Evreux 
had  come  to  an  end,  and  the  claims  on  Navarre 


1463]       Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        43 

had  passed  to  his  sister  Blanche.  On  Blanche's 
death,  and  Louis  in  his  schemes  leapt  to  the  possi- 
bility of  such  a  fortunate  accident,  the  next  heir 
would  be  Eleanor,  her  younger  sister,  wife  of  a 
French  Count,  Gaston  de  Foix.  It  would  be  well 
for  France  to  establish  a  royal  family  of  her  own 
nationality  on  the  throne  of  Navarre.  It  would 
be  even  better  for  that  family  to  be  closely  con- 
nected with  the  House  of  Valois;  and,  calculating 
on  the  possibilities,  Louis  gave  his  sister  Madeleine 
in  marriage  to  the  young  Gaston  de  Foix,  Eleanor's 
son  and  the  heir  to  her  ambitions. 

It  only  remained  to  turn  the  possible  into  the 
certain:  to  make  sure  that  Blanche's  claims 
should  not  prejudice  those  of  her  younger  sister. 
At  this  stage  in  his  plans  Louis  found  ready  assist- 
ance in  the  King  of  Aragon,  who  included  in  his 
hatred  of  Charles  of  Viana  a  still  more  unnatural 
dislike  of  his  gentle  elder  daughter,  whose  only 
sins  were  that  she  had  loved  her  brother  in  his 
misfortunes  and  proved  too  good  a  wife  for  Henry 
of  Castile. 

Thus  the  tragedy  was  planned.  Blanche  must 
become  a  nun  or  pass  into  the  care  of  her  brother- 
in-law  in  some  mountain  fortress  of  Navarre. 
Then  the  alternative  was  whittled  away.  Nun- 
neries and  vows  were  not  so  safe  as  prison  walls 


44  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

and  that  final  silence,  whose  only  pleading  is  at 
God's  judgment-bar.  Eleanor,  fierce  and  vin- 
dictive as  her  father,  was  determined  there  should 
be  no  loophole  of  escape,  no  half-measures  by 
which  she  might  miss  her  coveted  inheritance. 

John  of  Aragon  went  himself  to  fetch  his  elder 
daughter  to  her  fate,  assuring  her  of  his  intention 
of  marrying  her  to  a  French  prince,  once  they  had 
crossed  the  Pyrenees;  but  his  victim  was  not 
deceived.  Powerless  to  resist,  as  she  had  been 
in  bygone  days  to  help  her  brother,  Blanche  made 
one  last  desperate  appeal  before  the  gates  of  the 
castle  of  Orthez  closed  for  ever  behind  her.  On 
the  30th  of  April,  1462,  she  wrote  a  letter  to 
Henry  IV.  of  Castile,  ceding  to  him  her  claims  on 
Navarre,  and  beseeching  him  by  the  closeness  of 
the  tie  that  had  once  united  them,  and  by  his 
love  for  her  dead  brother,  to  accept  what  she 
offered  and  avenge  her  wrongs. 

It  was  in  vain.  Even  before  Charles  of  Viana's 
death,  Henry  IV.,  repenting  of  his  rash  invasion 
of  Navarre,  had  come  to  terms  with  the  Aragonese 
King,  regardless  of  his  ally's  plight ;  while  just  at 
the  climax  of  Blanche's  misfortunes,  an  event 
happened  in  Castile  that  was  to  make  all  but 
domestic  affairs  slide  into  the  background. 

In  March,  1462,  Queen  Joanna  gave  birth  to  a 


1463I      Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        45 

daughter  in  the  palace  at  Madrid.  The  King 
had  at  last  an  heir.  Great  were  the  festivities 
and  rejoicings  at  Court,  many  the  bull-fights  and 
jousts  in  honour  of  the  occasion.  Below  all  the 
sparkle  of  congratulation  and  rejoicing,  however, 
ran  an  undercurrent  of  sneering  incredulity.  It 
was  nearly  seven  years  since  the  Queen  came  a 
bride  to  Cordova,  and  for  thirteen  before  that 
had  Henry  been  married  to  the  virtuous  Blanche 
of  Navarre,  yet  neither  by  wife  nor  mistress  had 
he  been  known  to  have  child. 

"Enrique  El  Impotente,"  his  people  had  nick- 
named him,  and  now,  recalling  the  levity  of  the 
Queen's  life  and  her  avowed  leaning  towards 
the  hero  of  the  famous  "Passage  of  Arms,"  they 
dubbed  the  little  Princess  in  mockery  "Joanna  La 
Beltraneja." 

Was  the  King  blind?  or  why  was  the  handsome 
Beltran  de  La  Cueva  created  at  this  moment, 
almost  it  seemed  in  celebration  of  the  occasion, 
Count  of  Ledesma,  and  received  into  the  inner- 
most royal  councils?  There  were  those  who  did 
not  hesitate  to  affirm  that  Henry  was  indifferent 
to  his  own  honour,  so  long  as  his  anxiety  for  an 
heir  was  satisfied. 

Whatever  the  doubts  and  misgivings  as  to  her 
parentage,  there  was  no  lack  of  outward  ceremony 


46  Isabel  of  Castile  [1454- 

at  the  Infanta's  baptism,  in  the  royal  chapel 
eight  days  after  her  birth.  The  Primate  himself, 
the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  performed  the  rites, 
and  Isabel,  who  with  her  brother  Alfonso,  had 
been  lately  brought  up  to  court,  was  one  of  the 
godmothers,  the  other,  the  Marquesa  de  Villena, 
wife  of  the  favourite.  Two  months  later,  a 
Cortes,  composed  of  prelates,  nobles,  and  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Third  Estate,  assembled  at  Ma- 
drid, and,  in  response  to  the  King's  command, 
took  an  oath  to  the  Infanta  Joanna  as  heir  to 
the  throne;  Isabel  and  her  brother  being  the  first 
to  kneel  and  kiss  the  baby's  hand. 

The  Christmas  of  1462  found  Henry  and  his 
Queen  at  Almazon;  and  thither  came  messengers 
from  Barcelona  with  their  tale  of  rebellion  and 
the  fixed  resolution  they  had  made  never  to  submit 
to  King  John's  yoke.  Instead  the  citizens  offered 
their  allegiance  to  Castile,  imploring  help  and 
support  in  the  struggle  before  them. 

Henry  had  been  unmoved  by  Blanche's  appeal, 
for  he  knew  the  difiiculties  of  an  invasion  of 
Navarre,  but  the  present  project  flattered  his 
vanity.  He  would  merely  dispatch  a  few  troops 
to  Barcelona,  as  few  as  he  could  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, and  the  Catalans  in  return  would 
gain  him,  at  best  an  important  harbour  on  the 


1463]       Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        47 

Mediterranean,  at  worst  would  act  as  a  thorn  in 
the  side  of  his  ambitious  neighbour.  He  gra- 
ciously consented  therefore  to  send  2500  horse, 
under  the  leadership  of  one  of  the  Beaumonts, 
as  earnest  of  his  good  intentions;  but  almost 
before  this  force  had  reached  Barcelona,  those 
intentions  had  already  changed,  and  he  had 
agreed  to  the  mediation  of  the  King  of  France 
in  the  disputes  between  him  and  the  King  of 
Aragon. 

Louis  XI.,  "the  universal  spider,"  as  Chastellain 
called  him,  had  been  spreading  his  web  of  diplo- 
macy over  the  southern  peninsula.  By  the 
Treaty  of  Olito,  signed  by  him  and  King  John 
in  April,  1462,  he  had  promised  to  lend  that 
monarch  seven  hundred  lances,  with  archers,  ar- 
tillery, and  ammunition,  in  return  for  two  hundred 
thousand  gold  crowns  to  be  paid  him  on  the  re- 
duction of  Barcelona.  Whether  he  would  ever 
receive  this  sum  was  perhaps  a  doubtful  matter; 
but  Louis  had  accepted  the  pledge  of  the  border 
counties  of  Roussillon  and  Cerdagne,  that  com- 
manded the  eastern  Pyrenees,  should  the  money 
fail,  and  would  have  been  more  annoyed  than 
pleased  by  prompt  repayment.  According  to 
his  own  calculations  he  stood  to  gain  in  either 
case ;  and  in  the  meantime  he  was  well  content  to 


48  Isabel  of  Castile  Ii4S4- 

increase  his  influence  by  posing  as  the  arbiter  of 
Spanish  politics. 

After  a  preliminary  conference  at  Bayonne, 
it  was  arranged  that  the  Kings  of  Castile  and 
France  should  meet  for  a  final  discussion  of  the 
proposed  terms  of  peace  on  the  banks  of  the  Bidas- 
soa,  the  boundary  between  their  two  territories. 
It  is  a  scene  that  Philip  de  Commines'  pen  has 
made  for  ever  memorable;  for  though  he  himself 
was  not  present  he  drew  his  vivid  account  from  dis- 
tinguished eye-witnesses  on  both  sides.  Through 
his  medium  and  that  of  the  Spanish  chroniclers 
we  can  see  the  showy  luxury  of  the  CastUian  Court, 
the  splendour  of  the  Moorish  guards  by  whom 
Henry  was  surrounded,  the  favourite  Beltran  de 
La  Cueva  in  his  boat,  with  its  sail  of  cloth-of-gold 
dipping  before  the  wind,  his  very  boots  as  he 
stepped  on  shore  glittering  with  precious  stones. 
Such  was  the  model  to  whom  Castilian  chivalry 
looked,  the  man,  who  with  the  Archbishop  of 
Toledo  and  the  Marquis  of  Villena  dictated  to 
their  master  his  every  word. 

It  is  small  wonder  if  Louis  XI.  had  for  the  ruler 
of  Castile  "little  value  or  esteem,"  or  that  Com- 
mines himself,  summing  up  the  situation,  causti- 
cally dismisses  Henry  as  "a  person  of  no  great 
sense."     There  could  not  have  been  a  stronger 


1463]      Henry  IV.:  Misgovernment        49 

contrast  between  the  two  kings:  Henry  with  his 
pale  blue  eyes  and  mass  of  reddish  hair,  his  awk- 
wardly-built frame,  overdressed  and  loaded  with 
jewels,  towering  above  his  meagre  companion; 
Louis,  sardonic  and  self-contained,  well  aware  of 
the  smothered  laughter  his  appearance  excited 
amongst  Castilian  courtiers,  but  secretly  conscious 
that  his  badly  cut  suit  of  French  homespun  and 
queer  shaped  hat,  its  sole  ornament  an  image  of 
the  Virgin,  snubbed  the  butterfly  throng  about 
him. 

"The  convention  broke  up  and  they  parted," 
says  Commines,  "but  with  such  scorn  and  con- 
tempt on  both  sides,  that  the  two  kings  never 
loved  one  another  heartily  afterwards." 

The  result  of  the  interview,  May,  1463,  was 
soon  published.  In  return  for  King  John's  future 
friendship,  and  in  compensation  for  her  expenses 
as  an  ally  of  Charles  of  Viana,  a  few  years  before, 
Castile  found  herself  the  richer  for  the  town  of 
Estella  in  Navarre,  a  gain  so  small  that  it  was 
widely  believed  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  and 
his  fellow-politicians  had  allowed  themselves  to 
be  bribed. 

If  the  Castilians  were  bitter  at  this  decision, 
still  more  so  were  the  Catalans,  deserted  by  their 
ally   and   offered   nothing   save   the   unpalatable 


50  Isabel  of  Castile         I1454-1463] 

advice  that  they  should  retiirn  to  King  John's 
allegiance.  The  messengers  from  Barcelona 
quitted  Fuenterrabia  as  soon  as  they  heard, 
openly  uttering  their  contempt  for  Castile's 
treachery. 

"It  is  the  hour,"  thej'-  exclaimed,  "of  her  shame 
and  of  her  King's  dishonour!" 

They  could  not  realize  to  the  full  the  truth  of 
their  words,  nor  to  what  depths  Henry  was  shortly 
to  fall  and  drag  the  fortunes  of  his  country  with 
him. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  REIGN  OF  HENRY  IV. :    CIVIL  WAR  AND 
ANARCHY 

I464-I474 

T  TENRY  IV.  had  been  merely  a  figurehead  at 
^  ^  the  meeting  of  Fuenterrabia,  a  role  to 
which  with  his  habitual  lethargy  he  had  no  ob- 
jection. When,  however,  he  attempted  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  town  of  Estella  and  failed  to  do 
so  in  spite  of  Villena's  outwardly  strenuous  efforts, 
he  began  at  last  to  suspect  that  he  had  been  also 
a  dupe,  and  that  French  and  Aragonese  money 
had  bribed  his  ministers  to  his  own  undoing. 

He  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  break  openly 
with  the  Marquis  and  his  uncle,  the  Archbishop 
of  Toledo;  but  a  perceptible  coldness  appeared  in 
his  manner  where  they  were  concerned,  in  con- 
trast to  the  ever-increasing  favour  that  he  now 
bestowed  on  Beltran  de  La  Cueva,  Count  of 
Ledesma.     The  latter's  share  in  the  conferences 

51 


52  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

had  been  mainly  ornamental.  Indeed  his  talents 
had  lain  hitherto  rather  in  the  ballroom  or  the 
lists  than  in  the  world  of  practical  politics;  but 
success  had  stirred  his  ambitions,  and  especially 
his  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  the  Marquis 
de  Santillana,  head  of  the  powerful  family  of 
Mendoza.  With  this  connection  at  his  back  he 
might  hope  to  drive  Villena  and  his  relations 
from  Court,  and  with  the  Queen's  aid  control 
the  destinies  of  Castile. 

In  the  struggle  between  the  rival  favourites, 
the  Princess  Isabel  was  regarded  as  a  useful  pawn 
on  their  chess-board.  She  and  her  brother  had 
been  summoned  to  Court  at  Villena's  suggestion 
that  "they  would  be  better  brought  up  and  learn 
more  virtuous  customs  than  away  from  his  Ma- 
jesty's presence."  Whether  irony  were  intended 
or  no,  Henry  had  accepted  the  statement  seriously ; 
and  while  Alfonso  was  handed  over  to  a  tutor, 
his  sister  joined  the  Queen's  household. 

There  were  hopes  at  this  time  of  another  heir 
to  the  crown;  and  the  King,  foreseeing  in  the 
prospect  of  a  son  the  means  to  raise  his  fallen 
dignity,  was  anxious  to  gratify  his  wife's  wishes. 
When  she  pleaded  therefore  for  an  alliance  with 
her  own  country,  to  be  cemented  by  the  marriage 
of  her  brother  Alfonso,  then  a  widower,  with  the 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  53 

twelve-year-old  Isabel,  he  readily  agreed.  The 
scheme  was  the  more  pleasing  that  it  ran  counter 
to  the  union  of  Isabel  and  Ferdinand  of  Aragon, 
still  strongly  advocated  by  King  John.  Villena, 
who  had  been  bribed  into  assisting  the  latter 
negotiation,  received  the  jfirst  real  intimation  that 
his  ascendancy  was  shaken,  when  he  learned  that 
the  King  and  Court  had  set  off  to  the  south- 
western province  of  Estremadura  without  con- 
sulting him. 

Through  the  medium  of  the  Queen  and  Count 
of  Ledesma,  the  Portuguese  alliance  was  success- 
fully arranged;  and  Alfonso  V.  was  so  impressed 
by  the  young  Princess  that  he  gallantly  protested 
his  wish  that  the  betrothal  could  take  place  at 
once.  Isabel  replied  with  her  strange  unchild- 
like  caution,  that  she  could  not  be  betrothed  save 
with  the  consent  of  the  National  Cortes,  an  appeal 
to  Ccesar  that  postponed  the  matter  for  the  time 
being.  Perhaps  she  knew  her  brother  well  enough 
to  doubt  his  continued  insistence  that  "she  should 
marry  none  save  the  King  of  Portugal";  or  she 
may  thus  early  have  formed  a  shrewd  and  not 
altogether  flattering  estimate  of  the  volatile  and 
uncertain  Alfonso. 

In  the  meantime  the  Marquis  of  Villena  was 
plotting  secretly  with  his  brother,  the  Master  of 


54  Isabel  of  Castile  I1464- 

Calatrava,  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  the  Admiral 
of  Castile,  and  other  nobles  how  he  might  regain 
his  old  influence.  After  a  series  of  attempts  on  his 
rival's  life,  from  which  Beltran  de  La  Cueva 
emerged  scatheless  with  the  additional  honour  of 
the  coveted  Mastership  of  Santiago,  he  and  his 
fellow-conspirators  retired  to  Burgos,  where  they 
drew  up  a  schedule  of  their  grievances.  Secret 
measures  having  failed  they  were  determined  to 
browbeat  Henry  into  submission  by  playing  on 
his  well-known  fears  of  civil  war. 

The  King's  hopes  of  an  undisputed  succession 
had  been  shattered  by  the  premature  birth  of  a 
still-born  son ;  and  thus  the  question  of  the  Infanta 
Joanna's  legitimacy  remained  as  a  convenient 
weapon  for  those  discontented  with  the  Crown. 
Nor  had  the  gifts  and  honours  heaped  on  Beltran 
de  La  Cueva  encouraged  the  loyalty  of  the  prin- 
cipal nobles.  The  new  favourite  was  rapacious 
and  arrogant,  while  even  more  intolerable  to 
courtiers  of  good  family  and  wealth  was  the  rise 
of  an  upstart  nobility,  that  threatened  to  mono- 
polize the  royal  favour. 

Louis  XL  was  astute  enough  to  develop  such  a 
policy  to  his  own  advantage ;  but  the  feeble  Henry 
IV.  was  no  more  able  to  control  his  new  creations 
than    their    rivals.     Almost    without    exception 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  55 

they  betrayed  and  sold  him  for  their  own  ends, 
poisoning  his  mind  against  the  few  likely  to  remain 
faithful,  and  making  his  name  odious  amongst 
his  poorer  subjects  by  their  selfishness  and  the 
corruption  of  their  rule. 

The  conspirators  of  Burgos  were  thus  enabled 
to  pose  as  the  defenders  of  national  liberties;  and 
their  insolent  letter  of  censure  took  the  colouring 
most  likely  to  appeal  to  popular  prejudice.  Com- 
plaints of  the  King's  laxity  in  religious  matters, 
of  the  unchecked  violence  of  his  Moorish  guard, 
of  the  debasement  of  the  coinage,  and  of  the  in- 
competence and  venality  of  the  royal  judges — 
these  were  placed  in  the  foreground,  but  the  real 
crux  of  the  document  came  later.  It  lay  in  two 
petitions  that  were  veiled  threats,  first  that  the 
King  would  deprive  the  Count  of  Ledesma  of  the 
Mastership  of  Santiago,  since  it  belonged  of  right 
to  the  Infante  Alfonso,  and  next  that  the  said 
Alfonso  should  be  proclaimed  as  heir  to  the 
throne.  The  illegitimacy  of  the  Princess  Joanna 
was  openly  affirmed. 

Henry  received  this  letter  at  Valladolid,  and, 
calling  together  his  royal  council,  laid  it  before 
them.  He  expressed  neither  resentment  at  its 
insolence  nor  a  desire  for  revenge;  and  when  the 
aged  Bishop  of  Cuenca,  who  had  been  one  of  his 


56  Isabel  of  Castile  I1464- 

father's  advisers,  bade  him  have  no  deaHngs  with 
the  conspirators  save  to  offer  them  battle,  he 
repHed  with  a  sneer  that  "those  who  need  not 
fight  nor  lay  hands  on  their  swords  were  always 
free  with  the  lives  of  others." 

Peace  at  all  costs  was  his  cry,  and  the  old  Bishop, 
exasperated ,  forgot  prudence  in  his  anger.  '  *  Hence- 
forth," he  exclaimed,  "you  will  be  thought  the 
most  unworthy  King  Spain  ever  knew;  and  you 
will  repent  it,  Senor,  when  it  is  too  late  to  make 
amends." 

Already  knights  and  armed  men  were  flocking 
to  the  royal  standard,  as  they  heard  of  the  rebels' 
ultimatum.  Many  of  them  were  genuinely 
shocked  at  the  attack  on  the  dignity  of  the  Crown, 
but  for  the  greater  number  Henry's  reckless  pro- 
digality of  money  and  estates  was  not  without 
its  attractions. 

The  King,  however,  proved  deaf  alike  to  warn- 
ings and  scorn.  After  elaborate  discussions  he 
and  the  Marquis  of  Villena  arranged  a  temporary 
peace,  known  as  the  Concord  of  Medina  del 
Campo.  Its  terms  were  entirely  favourable  to 
the  conspirators,  for  Henry,  heedless  of  the  im- 
plied slur  on  his  honour,  agreed  to  acknowledge 
Alfonso  as  his  heir,  on  the  understanding  that  he 
should  later  marry  the  Infanta  Joanna.     With 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  57 

incredible  shortsightedness  he  also  consented  to 
hand  his  brother  over  to  the  Marqiiis;  and  on  the 
30th  of  November,  1464,  the  oath  to  the  new  heir 
to  the  throne  was  publicly  taken.  This  was 
followed  by  the  elevation  of  the  Count  of  Ledesma, 
who  had  resigned  the  Mastership  of  Santiago  in 
favour  of  the  young  Prince,  to  the  rank  of  Duke 
of  Alburquerque. 

The  question  of  the  misgovemment  of  the 
country  and  its  cure  was  to  be  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee of  five  leading  nobles,  two  to  be  selected 
by  either  party,  while  the  Prior-General  of  the 
Order  of  San  Geronimo  was  given  a  casting  vote. 
This  "Junta  of  Medina  del  Campo,"  held  in 
January,  1465,  proved  no  lasting  settlement,  for 
the  King's  representatives  allowed  themselves  to 
be  won  over  to  the  views  of  the  league,  with  dis- 
astrous results  for  their  own  master. 

"They  straitened  the  power  of  the  King  to 
such  an  extent,"  says  a  chronicler,  "that  they  left 
him  almost  nothing  of  his  dominion  save  the  title 
of  King,  without  power  to  command  or  any 
pre-eminence." 

Henry  was  roused  at  last,  but  it  was  only  to 
fall  a  victim  to  fresh  treachery. 

Two  of  the  most  prominent  members  of  the 
league  in  its  beginnings  had  been   Don  Alonso 


58  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

Carrillo,  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  uncle  of  the  Mar- 
quis of  Villena,  and  the  Admiral  of  Castile,  Don 
Fadrique  Enriquez.  The  former  had  little  of  his 
nephew's  suave  charm  and  adaptability,  and  his 
haughty,  irascible  nature  was  more  suited  to  the 
camp  than  the  Primacy  of  the  Castilian  Church. 

"He  was  a  great  lover  of  war,"  says  Pulgar  in  his 
Claros  Varones,  "and  while  he  was  praised  on  the 
one  side  for  his  open-handedness  he  was  blamed 
on  the  other  for  his  turbulence,  considering  the 
religious  vows  by  which  he  was  bound." 

At  the  time  of  the  Concord  of  Medina  del 
Campo,  he  and  the  Admiral  of  Castile  had  pro- 
fessed themselves  weary  of  the  consistent  dis- 
loyalty of  their  colleagues,  and  had  returned  to 
Court  with  the  King.  They  now  denounced 
the  "Junta"  and  advised  their  master  to  revoke 
his  agreement  to  the  Concord,  and  to  demand 
that  the  Infante  Alfonso  should  be  instantly 
restored  to  his  power.  As  might  be  expected, 
the  league  merely  laughed  at  this  request.  They 
declared  that  they  held  the  young  Prince  as  a 
guarantee  of  their  safety,  and  that,  since  the  King 
had  determined  to  persecute  them,  they  must 
renounce  his  service. 

Not  a  few  of  those  at  Court  suspected  the  Arch- 
bishop and  Admiral  of  a  share  in  this  response, 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  59 

but  Henry  refused  to  take  a  lesson  from  the  ill- 
results  of  past  credulity.  Instead  he  submitted 
entirely  to  his  new  advisers,  surrendering  at  their 
request  two  important  strongholds.  This  achieved, 
Don  Fadrique  and  the  Archbishop  deserted  to 
the  league  without  further  pretence;  and  when 
the  royal  messengers  discovered  the  latter  in  full 
fighting  gear,  on  his  way  to  one  of  his  new  posses- 
sions, and  ventured  to  remind  him  that  the  King 
awaited  him,  that  warlike  prelate  replied  with  an 
air  of  fury:  "Go,  tell  your  King  that  I  have  had 
enough  of  him  and  his  affairs.  Henceforward  he 
shall  see  who  is  the  true  Sovereign  of  Castile." 

This  insult  with  its  cryptic  threat  was  explained 
almost  immediately  by  messengers  hurrying  from 
Valladolid,  who  brought  word  that  the  Admiral 
had  raised  the  standard  of  revolt,  proclaiming  in 
the  market-place,  "Long  live  the  King — Don 
Alfonso!" 

From  defiance  in  words  the  rebel  leaders  pro- 
ceeded to  show  their  scorn  of  Henry  IV.  in  action. 
On  June  5th  of  the  same  year,  they  commanded 
a  wooden  scaffold  to  be  set  up  on  the  plain  outside 
the  city  of  Avila,  so  that  it  could  be  clearly  seen 
from  all  the  surrounding  neighbourhood.  On  it 
was  placed  an  effigy  of  the  King,  robed  in  heavy 
black  and  seated  in  a  chair  of  state.     On  his  head 


6o  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

was  a  crown,  before  him  he  held  a  sword,  and  in  his 
right  hand  a  sceptre — emblems  of  the  sovereignty 
he  had  failed  to  exercise.  Mounting  the  scaffold, 
the  chief  members  of  the  league  read  aloud  their 
grievances,  declaring  that  only  necessity  had 
driven  them  to  the  step  they  were  about  to  take. 
Then  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  removed  the 
crown  and  others  of  the  league  the  sword  and 
sceptre.  Having  stripped  the  effigy  of  its  royal 
robes,  they  threw  it  on  the  ground,  spurning  it 
from  them  with  their  feet. 

Immediately  it  had  fallen  and  their  jests  and 
insults  had  died  away,  the  eleven-year-old  Alfonso 
ascended  the  scaffold,  and  when  he  had  been 
invested  with  the  insignia  of  majesty,  the  nobles 
knelt,  and  kissed  his  hand,  and  took  the  oath  of 
allegiance.  Afterwards  they  raised  him  on  their 
shoulders,  shouting,  "Castile  for  the  King,  Don 
Alfonso!" 

Messengers  soon  brought  Henry  news  of  his 
mock  dethronement;  and  reports  of  risings  in 
different  parts  of  the  land  followed  in  quick  suc- 
cession. Valladolid  and  Burgos  had  risen  in  the 
north;  there  were  factions  in  the  important  city 
of  Toledo;  a  revolt  had  blazed  up  in  Andalusia, 
where  Don  Pedro  Giron,  Master  of  Calatrava,  had 
long  been  busy,  sowing  the  seeds  of  disaffection. 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  6i 

"Naked  I  came  from  my  mother's  womb,  and 
naked  shall  the  earth  receive  me,"  exclaimed  the 
King  when  he  was  told,  and  he  found  a  melan- 
choly satisfaction  in  quotations  from  Isaiah 
concerning  the  ingratitude  of  a  chosen  people. 
The  tide  had,  however,  turned  in  his  favour. 
Even  in  Avila,  amid  the  shouts  of  triumph  and 
rejoicing,  when  Henry's  effigy  was  thrown  to  the 
ground,  some  of  those  present  had  sobbed  aloud 
with  horror.  More  practical  assistance  took  the 
shape  of  an  army  that  rapidly  collected  in  response 
to  Henry's  summons,  "eager,"  as  the  chronicler 
expressed  it,  "to  come  to  blows  with  those  tyrants 
who  had  thus  dishonoured  their  natural  lord." 

Villena  who  much  preferred  diplomacy  to  the 
shock  of  warfare  had  in  the  meanwhile  induced 
his  master  to  agree  to  a  personal  interview,  with 
the  result  that  the  King  broke  up  his  camp,  com- 
pensating his  troops  for  their  inaction  by  large 
gifts  of  money.  The  league,  it  was  understood, 
would  return  to  Henry's  allegiance  within  a  cer- 
tain time;  but  its  leaders  had  fallen  out  amongst 
themselves,  and  at  length  Villena  thought  it  as 
well  that  he  and  his  family  should  seek  advan- 
tageous terms  on  their  own  account. 

He  demanded  with  incredible  insolence  that 
Henry  should  give  his  sister  Isabel  in  marriage  to 


62  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

Don  Pedro  Giron,  Master  of  Calatrava.  In  return 
the  Master  would  pay  into  the  impoverished  royal 
treasury  an  enormous  sum  of  money,  amassed 
by  fraud  and  violence,  besides  entering  the  royal 
service  with  the  3000  lances,  with  which  he  was 
just  then  engaged  in  harrying  the  fields  of  Anda- 
lusia. By  way  of  securing  future  peace,  the 
Infante  Alfonso  was  to  be  restored  to  his  brother, 
and  the  Duke  of  Alburquerque  and  his  brother- 
in-law,  the  Bishop  of  Calahorra,  banished. 

For  all  his  folly  and  weakness,  it  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  Henry  would  consent  to  such  terms, 
but  so  low  were  the  straits  in  which  he  found 
himself  that  he  immediately  expressed  his  satis- 
faction, sending  word  to  Don  Pedro  Giron  to 
come  as  quickly  as  he  could.  Isabel  on  her  part 
was  aghast  and,  finding  entreaties  and  remon- 
strances of  no  avail,  she  spent  days  and  nights 
upon  her  knees,  praying  that  God  would  either 
remove  the  man  or  herself,  before  such  a  marriage 
should  take  place.  Her  favourite  lady-in-waiting. 
Dona  Beatriz  de  Bobadilla,  moved  by  her  distress, 
assured  her  that  neither  God  nor  she  would  permit 
such  a  crime,  and,  showing  her  a  dagger  that  she 
wore  hidden,  swore  to  kill  the  Master,  if  no  other 
way  of  safety  should  present  itself. 

Help,  indeed,  seemed  far  away,  for  the  bride- 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  63 

groom,  having  obtained  from  Rome  a  dispensation 
from  his  ill-kept  vow  of  celibacy,  was  soon  on  his 
way  to  Madrid  at  the  head  of  a  large  company  of 
knights  and  horsemen.  His  only  reply  to  those 
who  told  him  of  the  Infanta's  obstinate  refusal 
of  his  suit  was  that  he  would  win  her,  if  not  by 
gentleness  then  by  force. 

At  Villa  Real,  where  he  halted  for  the  night,  the 
unexpected  happened,  for,  falling  ill  of  an  inflam- 
mation of  the  throat,  he  died  a  few  days  later. 

"He  was  suddenly  struck  down  by  the  hand  of 
God,"  says  Enriquez  del  Castillo;  while  Alonso  de 
Palencia  describes  how  at  the  end  "he  blasphe- 
mously accused  God  of  cruelty  in  not  permitting 
him  to  add  forty  days  to  his  forty  and  three 
years." 

Both  the  King  and  the  Marquis  of  Villena  were 
in  consternation  at  the  news.  The  latter  had 
begun  to  lose  his  influence  with  the  league,  who 
justly  suspected  him  of  caring  more  for  his  own 
interests  than  theirs;  and,  while  he  bargained  and 
negotiated  with  a  view  to  securing  for  himself  the 
Mastership  of  Santiago,  a  position  that  he  no 
longer  considered  belonged  to  the  young  Alfonso 
"of  right,"  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  and  the 
Admiral  were  bent  on  bringing  matters  to  an 
issue  by  open  war. 


64  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

Henry  was  forced  to  collect  his  loyalists  once 
more;  and  on  the  20th  of  August,  1467,  a  battle 
took  place  on  the  plain  of  Olmedo,  just  outside 
the  city.  The  King's  army  had  the  advantage 
in  numbers;  indeed  he  had  been  induced  to  ad- 
vance on  the  belief  that  the  enemy  would  not 
dare  to  leave  the  shelter  of  their  walls,  and  by 
the  time  they  appeared  it  was  too  late  to  sound 
the  retreat.  Conspicuous  amongst  the  rebels 
were  the  Infante  Alfonso  clad,  notwithstanding 
his  youth,  in  full  mail  armour,  and  the  fiery  Arch- 
bishop of  Toledo  in  his  surcoat  of  scarlet  embla- 
zoned with  a  white  cross.  The  latter  was  wounded 
in  his  left  arm  early  in  the  fight  but  not  for  that 
ceasing  to  urge  on  his  cavalry  to  the  attack.  On 
the  other  side  the  hero  of  the  day  was  Beltran  de 
La  Cueva,  whose  death  forty  knights  had  sworn 
to  accomplish,  but  whose  skill  and  courage  were 
to  preserve  him  for  service  in  a  better  cause. 

Alone,  amongst  the  leading  combatants,  Henry 
IV.  cut  but  a  poor  figure,  for,  watching  the  action 
from  a  piece  of  rising  ground,  he  fled  at  the  first 
sign  of  a  reverse,  persuaded  that  the  battle  was 
lost.  Late  that  evening  a  messenger,  primed  with 
the  news  of  victory,  discovered  him  hiding  in  a 
neighbouring  village,  and  he  at  last  consented  to 
return  to  the  camp. 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  65 

The  royalists  succeeded  in  continuing  their 
march,  but  since  the  enemy  remained  in  possession 
of  the  larger  number  of  banners  and  prisoners, 
both  armies  were  able  to  claim  that  they  had  won. 

The  battle  of  Olmedo  was  followed  by  the 
treacherous  surrender  to  the  league  of  the  King's 
favourite  town  of  Segovia.  Here  he  had  left  the 
Queen  and  his  sister;  but  while  the  former  sought 
refuge  in  the  Alcazar,  which  still  held  out  for  her 
husband,  Isabel  preferred  to  remain  in  the  palace 
with  her  ladies-in-waiting.  She  had  not  suffered 
such  kindness  at  the  hands  of  Henry  IV.  as  would 
make  her  rate  either  his  love  or  his  power  of 
protection  highly;  and,  when  the  rebels  entered 
the  town  she  surrendered  to  them  with  a  very 
goodwill. 

Henceforward  her  fortunes  were  joined  to  those 
of  Alfonso;  but  death  which  had  saved  her  from 
marriage  with  a  man  she  loathed,  was  soon  to  rob 
her  of  her  younger  brother.  It  is  difficult  to  form 
a  clear  estimate  of  either  Alfonso's  character  or 
abilities  from  the  scanty  references  of  the  chron- 
iclers; but  already,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  had 
proved  himself  a  better  soldier  than  Henry  IV.; 
and  we  are  told  that  those  who  knew  him  per- 
sonally judged  him  more  upright.  The  news  of 
his  death,  on  July  5,  1468,  was  therefore  received 
5 


66  Isabel  of  Castile  I1464- 

with  general  dismay.  His  death  had  been  osten- 
sibly the  result  of  swollen  glands,  but  it  was  widely 
believed  that  the  real  cause  of  its  seriousness  was 
a  dish  of  poisoned  trout  prepared  for  him  by  a 
secret  ally  of  the  King. 

With  his  disappearance  from  the  political  chess- 
board, the  whole  balance  of  affairs  in  Castile  was 
altered;  and  Isabel  emerged  from  comparative 
obscurity  into  the  prominent  position  she  was 
afterwards  to  hold.  Would  she  take  Alfonso's 
place  as  puppet  of  the  league?  or  would  she  be 
reconciled  to  her  elder  brother?  In  the  latter 
case,  how  would  the  King  decide  between  her 
claims  and  those  of  Joanna  "La  Beltraneja "  ? 
These  were  the  questions  on  whose  answers 
depended  the  future  of  the  land. 

The  principal  members  of  the  league  had  no 
doubts  at  all  as  to  her  complete  acquiescence  in 
their  plans,  and  in  the  town  of  Avila  they  made 
her  a  formal  offer  of  the  throne,  inviting  her  to 
assume  the  title  of  Queen  of  Castile  and  Leon. 
Isabel  received  the  suggestion  with  her  usual 
caution;  for  though  but  a  girl  of  seventeen,  she 
had  few  illusions  as  to  the  glories  of  sovereignty. 
She  knew,  moreover,  that  several  prominent  in- 
surgents had  taken  the  opportunity  of  recon- 
ciling themselves   at   Court,  while    the   Marquis 


ALFONSO,    BROTHER    OF    ISABEL   OF   CASTILE 

FROM  "  ICONOGRAFIA  ESPANOLA  "  BY  VALENTIN  CARDERERA  Y  SOLANO 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  67 

of  Villena,  now  acknowledged  Master  of  Santiago, 
was  once  more  hand  in  glove  with  the  King.  She 
therefore  replied  that  while  her  brother  Hved  she 
could  neither  take  the  government  nor  call  herself 
Queen,  but  that  she  would  use  every  effort  to 
secure  peace  in  the  land. 

This  answer  deprived  the  league  of  any  legi- 
timate excuse  for  rebellion;  and  they  therefore 
sent  letters  to  the  King,  declaring  their  willing- 
ness to  return  to  his  service,  if  he  would  acknow- 
ledge Isabel  as  heir  to  the  throne.  The  Marquis 
of  Villena  also  pressed  the  suggestion,  thinking 
by  this  means  to  re-establish  his  influence  com- 
pletely; since  his  enemies,  the  House  of  Mendoza, 
and  especially  its  cleverest  representative  Pedro 
Gonsalez,  Bishop  of  Siguenza,  who  had  been  pro- 
moted from  the  See  of  Calahorra,  had  taken  up 
the  cause  of  Queen  Joanna  and  her  daughter. 

Henry,  anxious  for  peace,  no  matter  what  the 
price,  fell  in  with  Villena's  schemes.  On  the  19th 
of  September,  1468,  a  meeting  was  held  at  the 
Toros  de  Guisandos  near  Avila;  and  there,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Papal  Legate,  Henry  swore  away 
for  a  second  time  the  honour  of  his  so-called  daugh- 
ter, and  recognized  Isabel  as  legitimate  heir  to 
the  throne  and  Princess  of  Asturias.  By  the 
terms  of  an  agreement  previously  drawn  up,  he 


68  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

also  promised  that  his  sister  should  not  be  com- 
pelled to  marry  against  her  will,  while  she  in  return 
agreed  to  obtain  his  consent;  furthermore  he 
declared  that  he  would  divorce  and  send  back  to 
her  own  land  his  wife,  whose  lax  behaviour  had 
now  become  a  byword. 

Isabel's  own  position  had  materially  improved; 
and  there  were  no  lack  of  suitors  for  this  eligible 
heiress.  Amongst  them  was  a  brother  of  Edward 
IV.  of  England,  but  whether  the  Duke  of  Clarence 
or  Richard  of  Gloucester,  the  chroniclers  do  not  say. 
The  English  alliance  was  never  very  seriously  con- 
sidered, whereas  a  veritable  war  of  diplomacy  was 
to  be  waged  around  the  other  proposals. 

The  Infanta's  chief  adviser  at  this  time  was  the 
Archbishop  of  Toledo,  though  it  does  not  appear 
that  she  was  as  much  under  his  thumb,  as  En- 
riquez  de  Castillo  would  have  us  believe.  There 
is  evidence  of  considerable  independence  of  judg- 
ment both  in  her  refusal  of  the  crown  on  Alfonso's 
death,  and  in  her  willingness  to  meet  her  brother 
at  the  Toros  de  Guisandos,  in  spite  of  the  Arch- 
bishop's violent  opposition.  Throughout  the  ne- 
gotiations, the  Archbishop  had  been  on  the  watch 
for  evidence  of  some  hidden  plot,  and  only  Isabel's 
tact  and  firmness  had  induced  him  to  accompany 
her  to  the  meeting. 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  69 

Nevertheless  it  was  natural  that  a  girl  of  her 
age  should  rely  considerably  on  the  judgment  of 
a  man  so  well  versed  in  the  politics  of  the  day, 
especially  as  the  alliance  that  he  urged  appealed 
in  every  way  to  her  own  inclinations.  Ferdinand 
of  Aragon,  the  Archbishop's  protege,  was  her 
junior  by  eleven  months;  a  slight  disparity  in 
comparison  with  the  age  of  former  suitors  such 
as  Charles  of  Viana,  Alfonso  of  Portugal,  and  the 
Master  of  Calatrava,  all  her  seniors  by  at  least 
twenty  years. 

In  modern  reckoning,  Ferdinand  would  be 
called  a  boy,  but  his  childhood  had  been  spent 
amidst  surroundings  of  war  and  rebellion,  from 
which  he  had  emerged  as  his  father's  right  hand; 
and  John  II.,  in  token  of  his  love  and  confidence, 
had  created  this  son  of  his  old  age  King  of  Sicily 
to  mark  his  dignity  and  independence.  Shrewd, 
practical,  and  brave,  Ferdinand  united  to  a  well- 
set-up,  manly,  appearance  all  those  qualities  that 
Henry  IV.  so  conspicuously  lacked.  It  was  little 
wonder  then  if  he  found  grace  in  the  Infanta 
Isabel's  eyes,  not  only  as  an  eligible  husband,  but 
as  a  fitting  consort  with  whose  help  she  might 
subdue  the  turbulence  of  Castile. 

It  can  be  imagined  that  Ferdinand  found  no 
grace  at  all  in  the  eyes  of  the  Marquis  of  Villena, 


70  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

to  whom  opportunities  for  turbulence  were  as  the 
breath  of  life,  and  whose  affection  for  the  House 
of  Aragon  had  never  been  sincere. 

Policy  dictated  to  him  a  coimter-alliance  and 
at  first  the  importunate  Alfonso  of  Portugal  won 
support.  Villena  had  re-established  his  old  in- 
fluence over  his  master,  and  at  this  time  formed  an 
ambitious  scheme,  by  which  his  son  should  marry 
the  Infanta  Joanna;  the  idea  being  to  draw  up  a 
new  settlement,  settling  the  crown  on  his  own 
descendants,  if  Isabel  and  her  Portuguese  husband 
had  no  children. 

At  Ocaiia,  where  Henry  IV.  and  his  sister  held 
a  meeting  of  the  Cortes  in  1468,  a  magnificent 
embassy  appeared  from  Alfonso  V.,  with  the 
Archbishop  of  Lisbon  at  its  head,  seeking  the 
betrothal  of  their  master  to  the  Infanta  Isabel. 

"They  thought  it  an  easy  matter  to  bring  about 
the  marriage,"  says  Alonso  de  Palencia;  but  they 
were  destined  to  return  to  their  own  land,  with 
their  mission  unfulfilled.  Isabel  had  never  been 
attracted  to  the  Portuguese  King;  and  her  cold- 
ness was  hardened  into  antipathy  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Toledo,  who  sent  her  secret  warnings 
that  the  alliance  was  a  plot  to  ruin  her  prospects. 
Once  married,  she  would  become  a  foreigner  in 
the  eyes  of  Castile,  and  while  her  children  could 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  71 

not  hope  to  succeed  to  the  throne  of  Portugal, 
since  Alfonso  had  already  an  heir,  the  Infanta 
Joanna  would  be  preferred  to  her  in  her  own  land. 
Isabel,  moved  both  by  these  arguments  and  her 
own  feelings,  thereupon  gave  a  secret  promise  to 
marry  her  cousin  Ferdinand,  returning  a  steady 
refusal  to  her  brother's  persuasions  and  threats. 

Henry  now  made  an  attempt  to  capture  her, 
with  a  view  to  imprisoning  her  in  the  Alcazar  at 
Madrid;  but  the  attitude  of  the  principal  knights 
of  Ocafia,  who  loved  neither  Villena  nor  the  Por- 
tuguese, was  so  threatening  that  he  quickly 
changed  his  manner.  Assuring  the  Archbishop 
of  Lisbon  that  some  other  means  would  be  found 
to  placate  the  Princess,  whose  opposition  would 
only  be  increased  by  violence,  he  sent  him  and 
his  fellow-ambassadors  away,  not  altogether 
despairing  but  with  their  confidence  somewhat 
shaken. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  fires  of  rebellion  were 
alight  once  more  in  Andalusia  and  burnt  so  furi- 
ously, that  it  was  felt  only  the  King  in  person 
could  hope  to  allay  them.  With  great  reluctance 
he  left  his  sister  in  Ocafia,  but  he  dared  not  risk 
fiu-ther  unpopularity  by  using  force.  At  the 
Master  of  Santiago's  suggestion  he  demanded  that 
she  should  promise  to  take  no  new  steps  about 


72  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

her  marriage  until  his  return,  thinking  in  this  way 
to  place  her  in  an  equivocal  position.  Either  she 
would  refuse,  in  which  case  she  would  stand  self- 
convicted  of  some  secret  plot,  or  she  would  take 
the  oath,  condemning  herself  as  a  perjurer  if  she 
broke  it. 

Isabel,  appreciating  the  situation,  gave  her 
promise.  Even  the  Master  of  Santiago,  for  all 
his  vigilance,  did  not  know  that  her  consent  to 
the  Aragonese  alliance  was  of  previous  date,  and 
therefore  arrangements  concerned  with  it  could 
be  argued  not  to  fall  under  the  heading  "new." 
As  soon  as  Henry  IV.  and  his  favourite  had  gone 
southwards,  she  herself  left  Ocaiia,  with  the  osten- 
sible object  of  taking  her  brother  Alfonso's  body 
to  be  buried  in  state  at  Avila,  and  from  there  went 
to  Madrigal  her  birthplace,  where  her  mother 
was  living.  It  was  her  hope  that  here  she  would 
be  able  to  complete  her  negotiations  with  King 
John  and  his  son,  undetected;  but  she  found  the 
Bishop  of  Burgos,  a  nephew  of  the  Master  of 
Santiago,  in  the  town  ready  to  spy  on  all  her 
actions. 

The  King  had  by  now  planned  for  his  sister 
a  new  match,  with  Charles,  Duke  of  Berri,  brother 
and  heir-presumptive  to  Louis  XI.  Not  only 
would  this  alliance  cement  the  customary  friend- 


14741  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  73 

ship  of  Castile  and  France,  but  Isabel's  close 
connection  with  the  French  throne  would  remove 
her  very  thoroughly  from  the  danger  zone  of 
Castilian  affairs.  When  the  Cardinal  of  Arras 
arrived  in  Andalusia  he  was  therefore  encouraged 
by  Henry  to  go  to  Madrigal  in  person  and  urge 
the  Duke's  suit. 

Nothing  doubting  the  success  of  his  mission, 
for  he  was  a  man  famed  for  his  oratory,  the  Car- 
dinal, having  gained  admittance  to  the  Princess, 
brought  forward  all  his  arguments,  laying  stress 
not  only  on  the  wealth  and  personal  charms  of 
the  Duke,  but  on  the  joy  such  an  alliance  would 
give  her  father  in  the  other  world.  Now  Isabel 
had  previously  sent  secret  messengers  to  report 
on  the  respective  appearance  and  bearing  of 
Ferdinand  and  the  French  Duke,  and  the  com- 
parison was  hardly  favourable  to  the  latter,  who 
was  a  weakling  with  thin  ungainly  limbs  and 
watery  eyes.  She  could  thus  estimate  the  worth 
of  the  Cardinal's  statements  and  replied  firmly 
that  "she  could  not  dispose  of  her  hand  in  mar- 
riage save  by  the  advice  of  the  leading  nobles  and 
knights  of  the  kingdoms,  and  that  having  con- 
sulted them  she  would  do  what  God  ordained." 

This  was  equivalent  to  a  refusal;  and  the  Car- 
dinal, having  exerted  his  eloquence  once  more  in 


74  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

vain,  returned  to  France,  nursing  his  resentment 
and  wrath.  He  left  the  Princess  in  a  critical 
position;  for  her  brother  could  draw  but  one 
conclusion  from  her  refusal  of  such  an  advanta- 
geous match;  and  he  and  the  Master  of  Santiago 
now  strained  every  effort  to  stop  her  marriage 
with  the  King  of  Sicily. 

Unable  to  leave  Andalusia  themselves,  they 
warned  the  citizens  of  Madrigal  that  any  favour 
shown  to  the  Princess  would  be  regarded  as  an 
act  of  treachery  to  the  Crown,  while  she  was  so 
surrounded  by  spies  and  enemies  that  even  her 
faithful  lady-in-waiting,  Beatriz  de  Bobadilla, 
grew  frightened  and  besought  her  to  break  off 
the  Aragonese  alliance.  Isabel  knew  that,  once 
intimidated  into  doing  this,  she  would  remain 
absolutely  at  her  brother's  mercy,  and  she  there- 
fore implored  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  to  come 
to  her  assistance  before  it  was  too  late.  A  lover 
of  bold  and  decisive  actions,  that  warlike  prelate 
was  soon  at  the  gates  of  Madrigal  at  the  head  of 
an  armed  force;  and  Isabel,  refusing  to  listen  to 
the  threats  of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos,  at  once 
joined  him,  going  with  him  to  Valladolid,  the 
headquarters  of  the  Admiral,  Don  Fadrique. 

She  had  burned  her  boats,  and  it  only  remained 
for  the  man  on  whom  she  had  pinned  her  faith  to 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  75 

play  his  part  in  the  drama  adequately.  Both 
Ferdinand  and  his  father  realized  the  seriousness 
of  the  situation.  If  the  treaty  of  Fuenterrabia 
had  spelled  trouble  and  disaster  for  Castile,  it  had 
been  the  source  of  even  greater  evils  in  Aragon; 
for  the  Catalans,  far  from  returning  to  their  old 
allegiance,  as  they  were  advised,  had  continued 
to  maintain  their  desperate  resistance  in  Barce- 
lona. They  had  elected  as  their  Count  first  one 
prince  of  royal  extraction  and  then  another;  each 
new  puppet  doomed  to  ultimate  failure,  but 
leaving  behind  him  a  defiance  increasing  in  ferocity 
as  it  lost  power  in  other  ways. 

Nor  was  chronic  rebellion  John  II. 's  only  serious 
trouble.  The  important  counties  of  Roussillon 
and  Cerdagne,  pledged  to  Louis  XI.  in  return  for 
troops,  had  been  seized  by  that  monarch,  as  soon 
as  he  saw  his  neighbour  too  involved  in  difficulties 
to  show  practical  resentment;  and  the  web  of 
French  diplomacy  was  now  being  spun  over 
Navarre,  through  the  medium  of  the  King  of 
Aragon's  son-in-law,  the  Count  of  Foix.  Personal 
sorrows  added  their  quota :  the  loss  of  sight  at  a 
time  when  political  clouds  looked  blackest,  fol- 
lowed by  the  death  of  Queen  Joanna,  whose 
courage  and  brains  had  made  her  a  fitting  help- 
mate for  her  ambitious  husband,  whether  in  the 


76  Isabel  of  Castile  I1464- 

council-chamber  or  on  the  battlefield.  John  was 
indeed  repaid  with  added  measure  for  the  tur- 
bulence and  treachery  of  his  early  days;  but  like 
many  men  of  his  type  he  showed  better  in  adver- 
sity than  in  success. 

Doggedly  he  laid  fresh  plans,  and  Providence 
that  seldom  hates  the  brave  rewarded  him  by 
the  recovery  of  his  eyesight. 

The  realization  of  his  son's  marriage  with  Isabel 
of  Castile,  always  favoured  by  him,  was  now  his 
dearest  ambition;  for  he  believed  that  the  final 
union  of  the  two  kingdoms  would  mean  the  death- 
blow to  Louis  XL's  hopes  of  dominating  the 
Pyrenees,  as  well  as  the  building  up  of  the  power 
of  the  Crown  at  home  against  unruly  subjects. 
Such  designs  were,  however,  of  the  future,  while 
the  immediate  steps  to  achieve  them  were  fraught 
with  danger. 

Isabel,  the  bride-elect  was  at  Valladolid,  tem- 
porarily protected  by  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo 
and  the  Admiral;  but  to  the  north  lay  the  hostile 
Bishopric  of  Burgos,  to  the  south-east  a  line  of 
fortified  strongholds,  all  in  the  hands  of  the  Men- 
dozas,  the  chief  supporters  of  Joanna  La  Beltraneja 
and  therefore  enemies  of  the  Aragonese  match. 
It  only  needed  the  return  of  Henry  IV.  from 
Andalusia  to  make  her  position  untenable. 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  7"] 

Isabel  and  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  therefore 
dispatched  messengers  to  Aragon  in  haste  to 
insist  that  the  King  of  Sicily  should  come  to 
Valladolid.  They  found  him  in  Saragossa,  and 
suggested  that,  as  every  moment  of  delay  in- 
creased the  danger,  he  should  disguise  himself 
and  go  to  Castile  with  only  a  few  adherents,  thus 
hoodwinking  the  Mendozas,  who  would  never 
expect  him  to  take  this  risk,  and  who  also  believed 
the  negotiations  for  the  marriage  to  be  at  a  much 
earlier  stage. 

Notwithstanding  his  later  reputation  for  a  hard 
head  and  a  cool  heart,  Ferdinand  in  his  youth 
possessed  a  certain  vein  of  adventurous  chivalry. 
It  was  with  difficulty  that  he  had  been  prevented 
from  leading  an  entirely  rash  expedition  to  Isabel's 
rescue  at  Madrigal,  and  he  now  readily  agreed  to 
a  scheme,  whose  chief  merit  lay  in  its  apparent 
impossibility. 

Sending  one  of  the  Castilian  messengers  on 
before  to  announce  his  coming,  he  and  a  few  of  the 
most  trusted  members  of  his  household  boldly 
crossed  the  frontier.  The  rest  were  disguised  as 
merchants,  Ferdinand  himself  as  a  servant;  and 
at  the  inns  where  they  were  forced  to  halt  he 
played  his  part,  waiting  at  table  and  tending  the 
mules.     They  did  not  stop  often,  riding  in  spite 


78  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

of  the  intense  cold  by  day  and  night;  with  the 
result  that  they  arrived  before  they  were  expected 
at  the  friendly  town  of  Burga  di  Osma.  Ferdi- 
nand, whom  excitement  had  rendered  less  tired 
and  sleepy  than  the  others,  spurred  forward  as 
they  came  in  sight  of  the  gates,  narrowly  escaping 
death  at  the  hands  of  an  over-zealous  sentry. 
Soon,  however,  their  identity  was  explained,  and 
amid  the  blowing  of  trumpets  and  joyful  shouts 
the  young  King  was  welcomed  by  his  allies. 

At  ValladoHd  the  news  of  his  arrival  into  safe 
territory  was  the  signal  for  feasting  and  jousts, 
and  preparations  for  the  marriage  were  pushed  on 
apace.  Ferdinand,  came  by  night  to  Valladolid, 
and,  being  met  at  a  postern  gate  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Toledo  was  led  to  the  house  where  the 
Princess  lodged. 

Four  days  later,  on  October  18,  1469,  the  formal 
betrothal  took  place.  Isabel  and  Ferdinand  as 
second  cousins  stood  within  the  prohibited  degrees 
of  consanguinity;  but  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo 
produced  a  bull,  affording  the  necessary  dispen- 
sation. This  bore  the  signature  of  Pius  II.,  who 
had  died  in  1464,  and  authorized  Ferdinand  to 
marry  within  the  third  degree  of  consanguinity, 
on  the  expiration  of  four  years  from  the  date  of 
the  bull.     Granted  its  authenticity,  the  marriage 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  79 

was  perfectly  legal;  but  it  is  almost  certain  the 
document  was  an  elaborate  forgery,  constructed 
by  John  of  Aragon  and  the  Archbishop  to  meet 
their  pressing  needs.'  The  dispensation  was 
essential  to  satisfy,  not  only  Isabel,  but  any 
wavering  supporters  of  orthodox  views.  On  the 
other  hand,  apart  from  the  haste  required  and 
known  dilatoriness  of  the  Papal  Court,  Paul  II., 
who  at  that  time  occupied  the  See  of  Saint  Peter, 
was  the  sworn  ally  of  Henry  IV. ;  and  those  who 
were  negotiating  the  Aragonese  alliance  recognized 
that  there  could  be  no  successful  appeal  to  his 
authority. 

Another  matter  requiring  delicate  handling 
had  been  the  marriage  settlement  that,  signed  by 
Ferdinand  and  ratified  by  his  father,  was  read 
aloud  at  the  betrothal  ceremony  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Toledo.  In  it  Ferdinand  declared  his 
devotion  to  the  Mother  Church  and  Apostolic 
See,  and  his  undying  allegiance  to  Henry  IV. 
The  document  then  went  on  to  say  that  the  signa- 
tures of  both  husband  and  wife  must  be  affixed  to 
all  ordinances  and  public  deeds;  while  the  re- 
mainder of  the  clauses  were  directed  to  allaying 
the  suspicions  of  those  who  feared  that  the  King 
of  Sicily  might  use  his  new  position  for  the  good 

'See  Clemencin,  Elogio  de  Isabella,  lUustracion  ii. 


8o  Isabel  of  Castile  I1464- 

of  Aragon  rather  than  Castile.  In  them  he  pro- 
mised not  to  leave  the  kingdom  himself  without 
consent  of  the  Princess,  nor  to  remove  any  children 
that  they  might  have,  whether  sons  or  daughters. 
He  would  not  on  his  own  account  make  peace  nor 
war  nor  any  alliance.  He  would  not  appoint  to 
offices  any  save  natives  of  Castile ;  while  he  pledged 
himself  to  take  no  new  steps  with  regard  to  the 
lands  that  had  once  belonged  to  his  father  but 
had  since  been  alienated. 

After  the  ceremony  was  over,  Ferdinand  retired 
with  the  Archbishop  to  his  lodging  in  Valladolid; 
and  the  next  day,  October  19th,  he  and  Isabel 
were  married;  and  for  six  days  the  town  kept 
festival  in  honour  of  the  event. 

Henry  learned  of  his  sister's  marriage  from  the 
Master  of  Santiago,  and  naturally  nothing  of  the 
insolence  of  such  proceedings  towards  himself 
was  lost  in  the  telling.  The  news  found  him  in 
broken  health,  the  result  of  his  life-long  self- 
indulgence,  and  with  his  vanity  badly  wounded  by 
the  scorn  and  defiance  he  had  encountered  in  Anda- 
lusia. He  was  therefore  in  no  mood  for  concili- 
ation, and  received  Isabel's  letters,  explaining 
the  necessity  under  which  she  had  acted  and  her 
assurances  of  loyalty,  in  gloomy  silence,  lending  a 
willing  ear  to  the  Master  of  Santiago's  suggestion 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  8i 

that  he  might  retract  the  oath  he  had  taken  at  the 
Toros  de  Guisandos. 

Circumstances  favoured  such  a  course;  for 
Louis  XI.,  who  looked  on  the  Castilian-Aragonese 
alHance  with  alarm  as  inimical  to  French  expan- 
sion, offered  Isabel's  rejected  suitor,  Charles,  now 
Duke  of  Guienne,  to  the  Infanta  Joanna,  the 
underlying  condition  being  of  course  that  Henry- 
should  disinherit  Isabel  in  her  favour.  Negotia- 
tions were  at  once  begun;  and  in  1470,  the  Car- 
dinal of  Arras  appeared  at  the  Spanish  Court 
charged  with  the  final  conclusion  of  the  terms. 
He  had  never  forgiven  the  Infanta's  indifference 
to  his  oratory;  and,  as  diligent  enquiry  had  made 
him  cognizant  of  the  fact  that  Pius  II. 's  bull  must 
be  a  forgery,  he  proceeded  to  denounce  her  in 
words,  according  to  Enriquez  de  Castillo,  "so 
outrageous  that  they  are  more  worthy  to  be 
passed  over  in  silence  than  recorded." 

Henry  far  from  being  shocked  was  obviously 
pleased;  and,  having  completed  the  agreement 
with  the  Cardinal,  in  October,  1470,  he  publicly 
withdrew  his  oath,  taken  at  the  Toros  de  Guisan- 
dos, and  acknowledged  the  Infanta  Joanna,  then 
nine  years  old,  as  his  daughter  and  heir.  Her 
formal  betrothal  to  the  Duke  of  Guienne  followed, 
and  then  the  little  Princess  was  handed  over  to 

6 


82  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

the  care  of  the  Master  of  Santiago,  much  to  the 
indignation  of  the  Marquis  of  Santillana  and  the 
Mendozas,  in  whose  keeping  she  had  hitherto 
been. 

Henry  now  published  a  manifesto,  in  which  he 
declared  that  his  sister  had  broken  her  oath  in 
marrying  without  his  consent,  and  had  aggravated 
her  offence  by  her  choice  of  an  enemy  of  Castile, 
and  by  not  waiting  to  obtain  a  dispensation  from 
the  Pope.  He  had  therefore  judged  her  unfit  to 
succeed  to  the  throne  and  had  restored  Dofia 
Joanna  to  her  rights. 

This  document  did  not  meet  with  general  ap- 
proval. Indeed  the  principal  towns  of  Andalusia, 
already  disaffected,  openly  expressed  their  refusal 
to  consent  to  its  terms.  Yet  to  Isabel  in  Duefias, 
where  her  first  child,  a  daughter  named  after 
herself,  had  been  bom  in  the  October  of  this  year, 
the  prospect  seemed  bleak  enough.  Her  difficul- 
ties in  Castile  were  intensified  by  the  ill-fortunes 
of  John  of  Aragon  in  his  war  against  Louis  XI. 
for  the  recovery  of  Roussillon  and  Cerdagne;  so 
that  in  spite  of  the  critical  position  of  affairs  at 
home,  she  was  forced  to  let  Ferdinand  go  to  his 
father's  assistance. 

Hiding  her  fears,  she  replied  to  Henry's  mani- 
festo by  a  counter-protest,  in  which  she  recalled 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  83 

her  own  moderation  in  refusing  the  crown  on 
her  brother  Alfonso's  death,  and  vindicated  her 
marriage  as  performed  on  the  advice  of  the  wiser 
and  larger  section  of  the  leading  nobility.  Henry, 
she  declared  had  broken  his  oath,  not  only  in 
acknowledging  Joanna,  who  was  known  to  be 
illegitimate,  as  his  daughter  and  heiress;  but  long 
before,  when  he  had  failed  to  divorce  and  send 
away  the  Queen  as  he  had  promised,  and  when  he 
had  tried  to  force  his  sister  to  marry  the  King  of 
Portugal  against  her  will. 

In  the  meanwhile,  in  spite  of  the  flourish  of 
trumpets  with  which  the  betrothal  had  taken 
place,  the  French  marriage  hung  fire.  Gossip 
maintained  that  the  Duke  of  Guienne's  interest 
in  Joanna  had  been  merely  the  result  of  pique  at 
Isabel's  refusal;  while  Louis  XL  had  used  it  as 
a  temporary  expedient  against  his  enemy,  the 
King  of  Aragon.  At  any  rate  the  French  Prince 
was  openly  courting  the  heiress,  Mary  of  Burgundy, 
when  death  cut  short  his  hopes  in  May,  1472. 

Various  bridegrooms  were  now  suggested  for 
the  Infanta  Joanna;  amongst  them  her  own 
uncle  the  King  of  Portugal. 

Henry  IV.  was  at  this  time  at  Segovia,  whose 
Alcayde,  Andres  de  Cabrera,  husband  of  Isabel's 
lady-in-waiting,  Beatriz  de  Bobadilla,  had  always 


84  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

been  one  of  his  faithful  adherents.  In  the  Alcazar 
was  stored  a  considerable  sum  of  money;  and  the 
Master  of  Santiago  now  advised  the  King  to 
demand  its  surrender  and  also  that  of  the  fortress, 
hoping  to  get  them  into  his  own  hands,  as  he  had 
done  with  the  Alcazar  at  Madrid.  Cabrera,  sus- 
pecting rightly  a  plot  for  his  own  ruin,  stoutly 
refused;  and  his  enemy,  after  stirring  up  in  the 
town  a  rebellion  which  the  Alcayde  promptly 
quelled,  left  the  city  in  disgust.  Henry,  who 
loved  Segovia,  remained  behind,  unable  to  make 
up  his  mind  to  any  decisive  action. 

The  favourite's  departure  was  the  opportunity 
for  which  those  inclined  to  Isabel's  interests  had 
long  been  waiting;  and  Beatriz  de  Bobadilla  urged 
her  husband  to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  the 
King  and  his  sister.  This  plan  met  with  the 
approval  of  no  less  important  a  person  than 
Pedro  Gonsalez  de  Mendoza,  Bishop  of  Siguenza, 
whose  material  position  had  been  lately  increased, 
not  only  by  the  Archbishopric  of  Seville,  but  also 
by  receiving  a  long-coveted  Cardinal's  hat.  At 
the  time  of  the  Aragonese  marriage  the  Mendozas 
had  been  amongst  Isabel's  most  formidable  op- 
ponents, but  their  enforced  surrender  of  the 
Infanta  Joanna  to  the  Master  of  Santiago  after 
the   French   betrothal,    had   quite   altered   their 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  85 

views;  and  the  Cardinal  of  Spain,  as  Pedro  Gon- 
salez  was  usually  called,  now  worked  to  secure 
Isabel's  accession,  as  the  best  means  of  ruining 
his  rival. 

Another  person,  who  had  set  himself  to  nego- 
tiate an  agreement,  was  the  Papal  Legate,  Cardi- 
nal Rodrigo  Borgia,  by  birth  a  Valencian.  John 
of  Aragon's  old  enemy,  Paul  II.  had  died  in  147 1 ; 
and  Sixtus  IV.,  his  successor,  when  dispatching 
Cardinal  Borgia  to  Castile,  in  1473,  to  demand  a 
clerical  subsidy,  gave  him  at  the  same  time  a 
bull  of  dispensation,  which  legalized  Ferdinand 
and  Isabel's  marriage,  and  also  affirmed  the 
legitimacy  of  their  daughter  and  her  rights  of 
inheritance. 

Isabel's  prospects  had  considerably  brightened, 
and  a  bold  action  on  her  part  was  to  put  them  to 
the  test.  One  day,  Beatriz  de  Bobadilla,  who  had 
secretly  kept  her  informed  of  the  current  state 
of  affairs,  disguised  herself  as  a  countrywoman 
and,  mounted  on  an  ass,  rode  out  to  the  city 
of  Aranda,  where  her  mistress  was  living.  She 
begged  her  to  come  to  Segovia  immediately;  and, 
on  a  day  arranged,  Isabel  and  the  Archbishop  of 
Toledo  appeared  in  the  city  before  dawn  and  were 
received  into  the  Alcazar.  Henry  was  then  in 
his  hunting-box  in  the  woods  outside,  but  that 


86  Isabel  of  Castile  [1464- 

evening  he  returned  to  the  palace  and  saw  his 
sister.  With  his  usual  impressionability  he  echoed 
the  joy  of  all  around  him,  and  embracing  her 
informed  her  of  his  goodwill  and  the  pleasure 
her  coming  had  given  him.  The  next  day  they 
rode  through  the  city  together,  his  hand  on  her 
bridle-rein;  and  some  httle  time  afterwards  Fer- 
dinand, who  had  been  hastily  summoned,  was 
reconciled  to  his  brother-in-law. 

Andres  de  Cabrera,  delighted  at  the  success  of 
his  hazardous  scheme,  arranged  an  elaborate 
dinner  on  the  Feast  of  the  Epiphany  of  that  year, 
1474,  in  order  to  celebrate  the  occasion;  but  un- 
fortunately Henry,  who  was  in  delicate  health, 
fell  ill.  Secret  supporters  of  the  Master  of  San- 
tiago cleverly  suggested  that  he  had  been  poisoned, 
and  that  this  had  been  the  main  object  of  the 
reconciliation.  Henry,  thoroughly  alarmed,  in 
spite  of  all  his  sister's  efforts  to  allay  his  fears, 
left  Segovia,  as  soon  as  he  was  well  enough  to 
bear  the  journey,  joining  the  Master  of  Santiago 
and  the  Infanta  Joanna  at  Madrid. 

All  the  old  trouble  and  discord  seemed  destined 
to  begin  once  more,  but  in  reality  the  labours  of 
both  schemer  and  dupe  were  nearly  at  an  end. 
Early  in  the  autumn  the  Master  of  Santiago 
hastened  to  Estremadura  to  gain  possession  of  a 


1474]  Henry  IV.:  Civil  War  87 

certain  fortress,  and  there,  on  the  eve  of  achieving 
his  purpose,  he  fell  ill  and  died. 

Henry,  though  almost  inconsolable  at  the  news, 
transferred  his  affections  to  his  favourite's  son, 
the  Marquis  of  Villena,  confirming  him  in  all 
his  father's  offices  and  titles  and  creating  him 
Master  of  Santiago.  It  was  to  be  almost  the  last 
of  the  many  honours  and  gifts  that  he  bestowed 
in  the  course  of  his  long  reign,  for  on  December 
II,  1474,  a  few  weeks  before  his  fiftieth  birthday, 
he  also  died. 

The  same  atmosphere  of  vacillation,  in  which 
he  had  moved  in  his  life,  enveloped  his  death-bed. 
When  questioned  as  to  the  succession,  the  chron- 
icler, Alonso  de  Palencia,  declares  that  he  equivo- 
cated, saying  that  his  secretary  knew  what  he 
wished;  other  writers  that  he  confessed  to  a  friar 
that  the  Princess  Joanna  was  indeed  his  daughter, 
and  that  he  left  a  will  to  this  effect.  Enriquez 
del  Castillo,  his  chaplain  and  chronicler,  makes 
no  mention  of  Joanna's  name.  Henry's  personal 
beliefs  and  wishes  had  availed  little  in  his  own 
day,  and  he  may  have  guessed  that  they  would 
carry  no  weight  after  his  death.  One  at  any  rate 
was  fulfilled,  and  he  was  buried,  as  he  had  asked, 
in  the  Church  of  Sancta  Maria  de  Guadalupe, 
at  the  foot  of  his  mother's  tomb. 


CHAPTER  IV 

ACCESSION  OF  ISABEL:   THE  PORTUGUESE  WAR 
I475-I479 

'T'HE  news  of  Henry  IV. 's  death  was  the  signal 
-■■  for  Isabel's  proclamation  as  Queen  in  Se- 
govia. Riding  through  the  crowded  streets,  her 
palfrey  led  by  two  of  the  "regidores"  of  the  city, 
she  came  amid  the  shouts  of  the  people  to  the 
principal  square.  Before  her  walked  four  kings- 
at-arms,  and  after  them  Gutierre  de  Cardenas, 
bearing  a  naked  sword,  emblem  of  the  justice  that 
should  emanate  from  kingship.  In  the  square 
stood  a  high  scaffold,  hung  with  rich  embroidered 
stuffs,  and  on  it  a  throne,  raised  by  three  steps 
from  the  surrounding  platform.  Isabel  ascended 
these  and  took  her  place;  and  then,  a  king-at- 
arms  having  called  for  silence,  a  herald  cried  in  a 
loud  voice:  "Castile!  Castile  for  the  King  Don 
Fernando  and  the  Queen  Dona  Isabel,  his  wife." 
Those  watching  below  took  up  the  shout,  and 
amid  cheers  the  royal  standard  was  raised. 


14791  The  Portuguese  War  89 

Ferdinand  was  in  Aragon;  but  news  had  at 
once  been  sent  him  of  the  King's  death,  and  in 
the  meanwhile  Isabel  received  the  homage  of  the 
great  nobles  and  knights  who  were  ready  to 
pledge  themselves  to  her  cause.  Chief  amongst 
them  were  the  Admiral  of  Castile,  the  Cardinal  of 
Spain,  his  brother,  the  Marquis  of  Santillana,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Mendozas;  while  they  brought 
with  them  Beltran  de  La  Cueva,  Duke  of  Albur- 
querque,  whose  fortunes  scandal  would  natur- 
ally have  linked  with  the  cause  of  the  Infanta 
Joanna. 

Significant  was  the  tardy  appearance  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Toledo,  once  so  hot  in  Isabel's 
cause.  Now  he  came  in  the  train  of  all  the  rest, 
with  little  enthusiasm  in  his  homage  or  in  the 
oath  he  took  in  the  hall  of  the  palace,  his  hand 
resting  on  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  On  the  2d 
of  January  he  and  the  Cardinal  of  Spain  rode 
out  to  meet  the  King  of  Sicily,  returning  with 
him,  one  on  either  side,  amid  such  crowds 
that  it  was  past  sunset  before  they  reached  the 
palace. 

He  was  a  young  man  of  twenty  and  two  years  .  .  . 
[says  Colmenares,  the  historian  of  Segovia,  comment- 
ing on  Ferdinand's  appearance],  of  medium  height, 
finely  built,  his  face  grave  but  handsome  and  of  a  fair 


90  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

complexion,  his  hair  chestnut  in  shade  but  somewhat 
spare  on  the  temples,  his  nose  and  mouth  small,  his 
eyes  bright  with  a  certain  joyful  dignity,  a  healthy 
colour  in  his  cheeks  and  lips,  his  head  well  set  on  his 
shoulders,  his  voice  clear  and  restful.  He  carried  him- 
self boldly  both  on  horse  and  foot. 

His  character,  his  new  subjects  could  not  fully 
gauge;  but  the  contrast  with  Henry's  vacillating 
puerility  was  obvious.  Here  at  any  rate  was  a 
man,  who  would  not  fail  in  what  he  undertook 
through  indecision  or  lack  of  courage. 

The  Cardinal  of  Spain  and  Archbishop  of  Toledo 
proceeded  to  draw  up  "Provisions"  for  the  future 
government  of  the  kingdom,  adjusting  the  exact 
relations  of  the  sovereigns  on  the  basis  of  the 
marriage  settlement.  Royal  letters  and  pro- 
clamations were  to  be  signed  by  both,  the  seals 
affixed  to  be  stamped  with  the  joint  arms  of  Castile 
and  Aragon,  the  coinage  engraved  with  the  double 
likeness.  Justice  was  to  be  awarded  by  the  two 
sovereigns,  when  together;  by  each,  when  sepa- 
rated. Castile  safeguarded  her  independence  by 
placing  the  control  of  the  Treasury  in  the  hand 
of  the  Queen,  and  by  insisting  that  the  governors 
of  cities  and  fortresses  should  do  homage  to  her 
alone.  She  alone,  also,  might  appoint  "corre- 
gidores"  and  provide  incumbents  for  ecclesiastical 


FERDINAND    OF   ARAGON 
FROM    "  ICONOGRAFIA   ESPANOLA  "    BY   VALENTIN    CARDERERA   Y   SOLANO 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  91 

benefices,  though  the  nominations  were  to  bear 
Ferdinand's  signature  as  well  as  her  own. 

It  can  be  imagined  that  such  a  settlement  would 
depend  for  its  success  largely  on  the  goodwill  and 
tact  of  those  called  on  to  fulfil  it;  and  Ferdinand 
though  he  consented  to  sign  his  name  to  the  docu- 
ment did  so  with  considerable  reluctance.  Many 
of  the  nobles  in  Segovia,  though  mainly  those  of 
Aragonese  birth,  had  professed  their  annoyance 
that  Ferdinand's  position  should  be  in  any  way 
subordinated  to  that  of  his  wife.  They  declared 
that  the  Salic  law,  excluding  women  from  the 
royal  succession,  should  hold  good  in  Castile  as 
well  as  in  France;  and  that,  the  Castilian  House 
of  Trastamara  having  died  out  in  the  male  line 
with  Henry  IV.,  the  crown  should  pass  directly  to 
the  Aragonese  branch,  in  the  person  of  King 
John  and  his  son,  the  King  of  Sicily. 

Loud  was  the  indignation  of  Isabel's  Castilian 
supporters  at  this  suggestion.  The  Salic  law, 
they  maintained,  had  never  been  acknowledged  in 
Castile;  on  the  contrary,  cases  could  be  cited  in 
which  women  had  succeeded  to  the  throne  to  the 
detriment  of  the  obvious  male  heir. 

Thus,  between  arguments  on  the  one  side  and 
the  other,  feelings  ran  high,  for  Ferdinand 
himself   inclined   to   a   theory   that   flattered  his 


92  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

love  of  power  and  independence.  Isabel,  who  had 
no  intention  of  ceding  her  rights,  at  length  exerted 
her  influence  to  win  him  to  her  point  of  view. 

"Senor, "  she  said,  after  a  stormy  council- 
meeting  that  had  in  the  end  upheld  her  right  of 
succession,  "this  matter  need  never  have  been 
discussed,  because,  owing  to  the  union  that,  by 
the  Grace  of  God,  there  is  betwixt  us,  there  can 
be  no  real  disagreement." 

She  then  alluded  to  her  duty  of  obedience  as  his 
wife ;  but  perhaps  to  Ferdinand  her  most  convinc- 
ing argument  was  the  pertinent  suggestion  that 
if  the  SaHc  law  were  acknowledged  and  they  should 
have  no  male  heirs,  their  daughter  Isabel  could 
not  lawfully  succeed  them.  It  would  ill  have 
pleased  Ferdinand  to  leave  his  possessions  to 
any  of  his  Aragonese  cousins.  "The  King,"  we 
are  told,  "having  heard  the  Queen's  reasons  was 
highly  pleased,  because  he  knew  them  to  be  true; 
and  both  he  and  she  gave  orders  that  there  should 
be  no  more  talk  on  this  matter." 

The  chronicler  then  goes  on  to  remark  on  the 
complete  concord  that  ever  afterwards  existed 
between  the  sovereigns. 


And  when  it  was  necessary  that  the  King  should  go 
to  look  after  affairs  in  one  part  of  the  kingdom  and  the 


14791  The  Portuguese  War  93 

Queen  in  another,  it  never  happened  that  he  or  she 
issued  a  command  that  conflicted  with  those  that  the 
other  gave.  Circumstances  might  separate  them,  but 
love  held  their  wills  joined. 

Ferdinand  and  Isabel  had  shown  their  wisdom 
in  refusing  to  let  the  rift  between  them  widen  into 
an  open  quarrel.  In  a  crisis  the  least  straw  may 
turn  the  balance;  and  the  condition  of  affairs 
required  their  combined  energies  in  the  one  scale. 
It  is  true  that  the  majority  of  nobles  and  knights 
had  either  in  person,  or  by  deputy,  expressed  their 
allegiance ;  but  there  still  remained  a  small  though 
powerful  group,  headed  by  the  young  Marquis 
of  Villena,  who  maintained  that  the  Infanta 
Joanna  was  the  rightful  Queen. 

That  their  objective  was  rather  self-interest  than 
any  deep  loyalty  to  the  little  Princess  was  obvious 
from  Villena's  letter,  mentioning  the  terms  on 
which  he  and  his  followers  would  consent  to  submit. 
For  himself  he  demanded,  first  his  acknowledg- 
ment as  Master  of  Santiago,  next  the  confirma- 
tion of  all  lands,  castles,  and  revenues  that  had 
belonged  to  his  father,  including  the  Alcazar  at 
Madrid,  and  thirdly  a  yearly  income  of  over  two 
million  maravedis  to  be  paid  by  the  Crown.  The 
Count  of  Plasencia,  his  ally,  whom  Henry  IV. 
had  created  Duke  of  Arevalo  with  the  gift  of  that 


94  Isabel  of  Castile  I1475- 

town  (taken  from  the  widowed  Queen  Isabel  for 
the  purpose),  sought  also  the  confirmation  of  his 
honours. 

With  regard  to  Joanna,  whom  Villena  and  his 
followers  styled  "Princess  of  Castile,"  they  in- 
sisted that  she  should  be  suitably  married;  and 
on  this  demand  all  negotiations  ultimately  broke 
down.  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  were  willing  to 
grant  the  Marquis  the  Mastership,  in  spite  of  the 
clamours  of  seven  other  candidates;  they  agreed 
to  the  idea  of  Joanna's  marriage;  but  their  stipu- 
lation that,  while  this  subject  was  under  con- 
sideration, she  should  be  handed  over  to  some 
trustworthy  person,  virtually  put  an  end  to  all 
hopes  of  reconciliation.  Joanna  was  the  Marquis's 
trump  card,  and  he  had  no  intention  of  playing  her 
until  he  was  certain  of  his  trick,  far  less  of  passing 
her  into  the  hands  of  anyone,  whom  her  rivals 
would  consider  trustworthy. 

Dazzled  by  the  schemes  he  had  planned,  he 
beHeved  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  secure 
Isabel's  ruin,  and  in  this  view  he  was  strengthened 
by  the  secret  correspondence  he  had  been  carrying 
on  with  his  great-uncle,  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo. 
The  latter's  conduct  is  on  the  surface  inexplicable ; 
for,  having  maintained  Isabel's  cause  with  un- 
swerving loyalty  throughout  the  negotiations  for 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  95 

her  marriage,  when  she  was  in  danger  of  imprison- 
ment and  he  of  incurring,  on  her  account,  not  only 
papal  censure  but  the  loss  of  his  archbishopric,  he 
had  yet  at  the  end  of  Henry  IV. 's  reign  reconciled 
himself  to  that  monarch  and  his  favourite  the 
young  Marquis  of  Villena,  to  the  weakening  of 
his  old  allegiance.  His  tardy  appearance  at 
Segovia,  and  the  sulky  manner  he  had  adopted 
towards  Ferdinand  and  the  Queen,  were  alike  in 
keeping  with  a  change  of  policy  that  in  a  man  of 
his  ambitions  seemed  as  shortsighted  as  it  was 
unaccountable.  The  explanation  lies  in  Carrillo's 
lack  of  self-control  that  made  his  ambition  the 
plaything  of  his  besetting  vice. 

Like  Juan  Pacheco,  he  loved  wealth,  the  more 
that  he  was  in  secret  an  alchemist  and  squandered 
the  revenues  of  his  see  in  a  vain  endeavour  to 
make  gold ;  but  even  the  glitter  of  precious  metals 
lost  its  charm  beside  his  lust  for  power  and  influ- 
ence. He  must  be  first.  This  was  the  motive 
that  had  driven  him  to  desert  Henry  IV.,  to 
break  with  his  nephew  in  the  revolt  of  the  League, 
and  now,  finally,  when  the  cause  for  which  he  had 
laboured  was  on  the  eve  of  success,  to  renounce  his 
allegiance  to  Isabel,  because  of  his  jealousy  of  her 
new  adviser  the  Cardinal  of  Spain. 

In  vain  the  Queen,  who  knew  his  character. 


96  Isabel  of  Castile  [147s- 

tried  to  dissipate  his  suspicions.  Carrillo's  tem- 
perament set  his  imagination  afire  at  the  least 
glimmer  of  insult  or  neglect;  his  manner  grew 
morose  and  overbearing,  his  desire  for  gifts  and  re- 
wards every  day  more  rapacious.  At  length,  when 
Ferdinand  ventured  to  oppose  his  demands,  the 
Archbishop  openly  expressed  his  anger  and,  leav- 
ing the  Court,  withdrew  to  his  town  of  Alcala 
de  Henares,  where  he  began  to  plot  secretly  with 
Joanna's  supporters. 

Between  them  he  and  the  Marquis  hatched  a 
scheme,  whose  success  would,  they  hoped,  make 
them  the  arbiters  of  Castile.  This  was  nothing 
less  than  a  Portuguese  alliance  by  which  Alfonso 
v.,  married  to  his  niece,  would  in  her  name  cross 
the  border,  and  aided  by  his  Castilian  allies  drive 
out  Ferdinand  and  his  Queen.  With  this  inten- 
tion, the  Marquis  dispatched  a  letter  to  Alfonso 
full  of  showy  promises.  The  most  important 
Ca.stilian  nobles,  he  declared,  including  himself 
and  all  his  relations,  the  Duke  of  Arevalo,  and  the 
Archbishop  of  Toledo,  were  pledged  to  Joanna's 
cause;  while  numbers  were  only  waiting  to  follow 
their  example  as  soon  as  they  were  reassured  by 
the  first  victory.  Furthermore,  he  guaranteed  the 
goodwill  of  fourteen  of  the  principal  towns  in  the 
kingdom;    while,  alluding    to    the    factions  that 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  97 

convulsed  the  rest,  he  prophesied  that  one  side 
would  be  certain  to  adopt  the  Portuguese  cause 
and  with  a  little  help  secure  the  upper  hand. 
Victory  was  the  more  certain  by  reason  of  the 
penniless  state  in  which  Henry  IV.  had  left  the 
treasury.  It  was  impossible  that  Ferdinand  and 
Isabel  could  compete  without  financial  assistance 
against  the  wealth  and  well-known  military 
strength  of  Portugal. 

Such  arguments  had  a  surface  plausibility; 
though  a  statesman  might  have  asked  himself  if 
they  did  not  take  Fortune's  smiles  too  much  for 
granted.  Was  it  safe  to  ignore  the  deep-rooted 
dislike  that  Castile  bore  Portugal,  or  to  assume 
the  friendliness  of  the  larger  towns,  on  whose 
possession  the  ultimate  victory  must  depend? 
Alfonso  V.  was  not  the  type  of  man  to  ask  uncom- 
fortable questions.  He  saw  the  object  of  his  desire 
in  a  glamour  that  obscured  the  pitfalls  along  the 
road  on  which  he  must  travel;  and  where  courage 
and  enthusiasm  were  the  pilgrim's  main  requisites 
he  was  rewarded  by  success.  Three  times  he  had 
defeated  the  Moors  beyond  the  sea;  and,  dowered 
with  the  proud  title  "  El  Africano, "  he  now  aspired 
to  be  the  victor  of  a  second  Aljubarrota.  The 
role  pleased  his  romantic  and  highly-strung 
nature  for,  while  posing  as  the  defender  of  injured 


98  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

womanhood  in  the  person  of  his  niece,  he  could 
also  hope  to  avenge  on  Queen  Isabel  the  slight 
his  vanity  had  suffered  from  her  persistent  refusal 
of  his  suit. 

Practical-minded  councillors  shook  their  heads 
over  his  sanguine  expectations  and  pointed  out 
the  untrustworthy  reputations  of  the  Marquis  of 
Villena  and  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo.  That  these 
same  men  had  sworn  to  Joanna's  illegitimacy  and 
made  it  a  cause  of  rebellion  against  King  Henry 
looked  as  if  love  of  self  rather  than  love  of  justice 
were  now  their  inspiration. 

Isabel  and  the  Cardinal  of  Spain  wrote  letters 
of  remonstrance  to  the  same  effect,  begging  Alfonso 
to  submit  the  matter  to  arbitration;  but  that 
credulous  monarch  chose  to  believe  that  their 
advice  arose  merely  from  a  desire  to  gain  time, 
and  therefore  hurried  on  his  preparations  for  war. 

In  May,  1475,  having  collected  an  army  of  5600 
horse  and  14,000  foot,  he  crossed  the  border  and 
advanced  to  Plasencia.  His  plan  of  campaign 
was  to  march  from  there  northwards  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Toro  and  Zamora,  as  secret  correspondence 
had  aroused  his  hope  of  winning  both  these 
strongholds.  At  Plasencia  he  halted,  until  the 
Marquis  of  Villena  and  the  Duke  of  Arevalo  ap- 
peared with  his  niece,  and  then  he  and  Joanna 


1479]  The  Portuf^uese  War  99 


were  married  on  a  lofty  platform  in  the  centre  of 
the  city,  the  marriage  awaiting  fulfilment  pending 
the  necessary  dispensation  from  Rome.  A  herald, 
however,  using  the  old  formula  at  once  proclaimed 
the  union:  "Castile!  Castile  for  the  King  Don 
Alfonso  of  Portugal  and  the  Queen  Dofia  Joanna 
his  wife,  the  rightful  owner  of  these  kingdoms." 

From  Plasencia  the  Portuguese  at  length 
marched  to  Arevalo,  where  another  delay,  this 
time  of  two  months,  took  place,  Alfonso  deter- 
mining to  await  the  troops  that  had  been  promised 
him  by  his  Castilian  allies.  He  had  with  him  the 
chivalry  of  his  own  Court,  young  hot-bloods,  who 
had  pledged  their  estates  in  the  prospect  of  speedy 
glory  and  pillage.  In  their  self-confidence  the 
easy  theories  of  Villena  found  an  echo;  and  they 
loudly  boasted  that  Ferdinand  and  his  wife  would 
never  dare  to  meet  them,  but  were  in  all  probability 
on  the  road  to  Aragon.  "Before  gaining  the 
victory  they  divided  the  spoil, "  comments  Pulgar 
sarcastically. 

The  Castilian  sovereigns  were  far  from  medita- 
ting flight.  The  war  had  not  been  of  their  choos- 
ing, but,  since  it  had  been  forced  upon  them,  they 
were  ready  to  prosecute  it  to  the  end.  For  the 
moment  affairs  looked  threatening.  Not  only 
was  their  treasury  practically  empty,  and  a  hostile 


100  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

army  on  the  march  across  their  western  border, 
but  news  came  from  France  that  Louis  XL,  who 
had  at  first  expressed  his  pleasure  at  their  acces- 
sion, was  now  in  league  with  their  enemies  and 
intended  to  invade  the  provinces  of  Biscay  and 
Guipuzcoa;  Villena  and  his  companions  were 
in  arms;  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  sulking  in 
Alcala  de  Henares. 

To  him  the  Queen  determined  to  go  and  address 
a  last  appeal  in  person,  leaving  her  husband  to 
watch  the  movements  of  the  Portuguese  from 
Valladolid.  Some  of  those  at  Court,  who  knew 
the  pitch  of  resentment  and  fury  to  which  the  old 
Primate  had  brought  his  broodings,  assured  her 
that  her  mission  would  be  in  vain,  saying  that  it 
was  beneath  her  dignity  to  thus  humble  herself  to 
a  subject.  Isabel  replied  that  she  counted  as 
little  on  his  service  as  she  feared  his  disloyalty, 
and  that  if  he  had  been  anyone  else,  she  would 
most  certainly  have  weighed  the  matter  more 
carefully,  but  she  added,  "I  would  not  accuse 
myself  later  with  the  thought  that  if  I  had  gone 
to  him  in  person,  he  would  have  withdrawn  from 
the  false  road  he  now  seeks  to  follow. " 

She  then  set  out  southwards,  accompanied  by 
the  Marquis  of  Santillana  newly-created  Duke  of 
Infantado,  and  the  Constable  of  Castile,  the  Count 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  loi 

of  Haro,  sending  the  latter  on  in  advance  as  they 
drew  near  to  Alcala  to  announce  her  coming. 
Carrillo  listened  to  the  Constable's  skilful  reason- 
ing in  uneasy  silence;  but  he  was  not  to  be  cajoled 
either  by  his  conscience  or  by  appeals  to  his  vanity, 
and  at  length  burst  into  a  storm  of  passion,  declar- 
ing that  it  was  his  intention  to  serve  the  King  of 
Portugal,  and  none  should  turn  him  from  it. 
If  Isabel  entered  Alcala  by  one  gate,  he  himself 
would  leave  by  another. 

This  was  plain  speaking;  and  the  Queen,  who 
had  planned  the  interview  less  from  policy  than 
out  of  regard  for  the  old  man,  whose  restless 
jealousy  she  knew  so  well,  continued  on  her  way  to 
Toledo,  where  she  intended  to  make  preparations 
for  the  defence  of  Estremadura  and  Andalusia. 

Ferdinand,  in  the  meanwhile,  mustered  his 
forces  in  Valladolid.  So  great  was  the  hatred  of 
the  Portuguese  that  many  of  the  towns  of  Old 
Castile  sent  citizens  equipped  at  their  own  ex- 
pense ;  while  nobles  in  mail,  and  ginetes,  or  lightly- 
armed  horsemen,  flocked  to  the  royal  standard 
along  with  Biscayan  archers  and  hardy  mountain- 
eers from  the  north.  Joined  with  the  levies  of 
Segovia  and  Avila,  that  Isabel  had  collected  on 
her  journey  to  Toledo,  the  whole  army  mustered 
about  12,000  horse  and  80,000  foot,  as  it  advanced 


102  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

to  the  relief  of  the  citadel  of  Toro,  both  that  town 
and  Zamora  having  surrendered  to  the  Portuguese 
through  the  treachery  of  their  respective  gover- 
nors. The  enthusiasm  was  general,  and  Ferdinand 
himself  burned  with  the  desire  to  achieve  some 
great  deed. 

Unfortunately  Toro,  flanked  by  fortresses  in  the 
power  of  the  Portuguese,  and  protected  on  the 
rear  by  the  Douro,  whence  provisions  could  be 
passed  into  the  town,  proved  altogether  too  strong 
for  the  besiegers.  A  stormy  council-of-war  was 
held  in  the  Castilian  camp,  it  being  decided  that 
the  only  wise  course  would  be  to  retreat.  This 
rumour  spread,  gradually  taking  the  shape  that 
the  nobles  were  forcing  the  King  for  their  own 
ends  to  give  up  the  siege ;  and  in  a  fury  the  ordi- 
nary soldiery  rushed  to  the  royal  tent,  swearing 
to  stand  by  Ferdinand  in  whatever  act  of  daring 
he  sought  to  do,  and  above  all  to  protect  him  from 
traitors.  In  bitterness  of  spirit  they  learned  that 
he  also  counselled  retreat,  and  in  disorderly 
fashion  they  shook  the  dust  of  Toro  from  their 
feet  and  returned  to  Valladolid.  Their  depart- 
ure resulted  in  the  surrender  of  the  citadel  to 
the  Portuguese,  with  whom  the  Archbishop  of 
Toledo  now  openly  allied  himself,  rancorously 
declaring    that   he   had   called   Isabel   from   her 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  103 

spinning-wheel  and  would  send  her  back  to  it 
again. 

From  Valladolid  Ferdinand  was  summoned  to 
Burgos.  The  city  was  almost  entirely  in  his 
favour,  but  the  fortress  and  the  church  of  Santa 
Maria  La  Blanca  were  held  by  the  men  of  the 
Duke  of  Arevalo,  whose  catapults  caused  so 
much  destruction  that  the  inhabitants  declared 
unless  help  was  given  they  must  surrender.  In 
one  of  the  principal  streets  alone,  over  three 
hundred  houses  had  been  burned,  while  the  firing 
never  ceased  by  night  or  day. 

Ferdinand  and  his  illegitimate  brother,  Alfonso, 
Duke  of  Villahermosa,  were  soon  on  the  scenes, 
for  Burgos  was  too  important  a  place  to  be  lost; 
and  earthworks  and  fortifications  were  hastily 
constructed  over  against  the  citadel  to  prevent 
help  reaching  it  from  the  King  of  Portugal.  All 
this,  however,  cost  time,  and,  still  more  disastrous, 
money ;  for  the  contents  of  the  treasury  in  Segovia, 
handed  over  by  Andres  de  Cabrera,  were  ex- 
hausted, and  the  land,  impoverished  by  Henry  IV. 's 
misgovernment,  could  obviously  yield  few  taxes. 

The  sovereigns,  in  deep  gloom,  called  a  meeting 
of  the  Cortes  in  Medina  del  Campo,  and  laid  their 
monetary  difficulties  before  it.  How  was  the 
army  to  be  paid?     The  problem  was  the  harder  for 


104  Isabel  of  Castile  [147s- 

the  reckless  generosity  of  the  Portuguese,  who 
gave  fine  promises  of  lands  and  revenues  to  all 
who  joined  them,  the  fulfilment  depending  on  the 
success  of  the  war.  One  solution  was  to  permit 
the  Castilian  troops  to  provide  for  themselves  by- 
pillage  and  robbery.  This  the  sovereigns  at  once 
rejected,  nor  would  they  consent  to  alienate  the 
few  royal  estates  still  remaining  to  them.  A  third 
suggestion  was  to  exact  a  loan  from  the  Church, 
and  it  speaks  well  for  the  reputation  that  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabel  had  already  established,  that  the 
clergy  at  once  consented  to  this  arrangement.  In 
the  end  it  was  settled  that  the  Church  should 
surrender  half  her  silver  plate  to  specified  royal 
officials,  and  that  this  should  be  redeemed  at  the 
end  of  three  years  by  the  payment  of  thirty 
millions  of  maravedis. 

The  war  now  continued  with  unabated  vigour, 
not  only  in  the  north-west  corner,  occupied  by 
Alfonso  v.,  but  throughout  Castile  and  even 
across  the  Portuguese  border.  On  hearing  of  the 
proclamation  at  Plasencia,  Ferdii  and  and  Isabel, 
by  way  of  retaliation,  had  added  to  their  titles 
that  of  King  and  Queen  of  Portugal.  This 
encouraged  their  partisans  in  Galicia  and  Estre- 
madura  to  cross  the  frontier  and  seize  certain  of 
the  enemy's  strongholds,  from  which  they  raided 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  105 

the  country  round,  carrying  off  cattle  and  burning 
villages.  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Toledo,  those 
who  were  discontented  with  the  over-lordship  of 
Archbishop  Carrillo  and  his  nephew  the  Marquis 
of  Villena  took  the  opportunity  to  proclaim  their 
allegiance  to  Isabel,  and  in  the  latter's  name  threw 
off  the  yoke  they  hated.  The  Count  of  Paredes, 
an  old  warrior  who  had  fought  against  the  Moors, 
and  who  was  one  of  the  candidates  for  the  Master- 
ship of  Santiago,  joyfully  went  to  their  assistance 
with  a  large  body  of  troops,  collecting  his  rival's 
revenues  at  the  point  of  the  sword,  until  the  tur- 
moil forced  Villena  to  leave  the  King  of  Portugal 
and  hurry  to  the  protection  of  his  own  estates. 

He  did  not  attempt  to  conceal  his  indignation 
with  his  ally,  insisting  that  Alfonso  should  go 
immediately  to  Madrid,  that  from  there  he  might 
aid  those  who  had  put  their  trust  in  him.  To  this 
the  King  replied  with  equal  bitterness  that  he 
saw  no  reason  to  risk  the  loss  of  Toro  and  Zamora 
by  leaving  the  north;  nor  was  his  conscience 
burdened  with  the  ill-luck  of  his  allies,  seeing  that 
their  help  had  fallen  far  short  of  their  promises. 
This  was  very  true.  But  a  small  portion  of  the 
nobles  committed  to  Joanna's  cause  had  appeared 
when  expected  at  Arevalo,  the  majority  of  the 
defaulters  not  having  dared  to  leave  their  own 


io6  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

territory,  where  Ferdinand  and  Isabel's  partisans 
kept  them  occupied  in  the  defence  of  their  houses 
and  lands. 

Isabel  herself  from  Valladolid  placed  careful 
guard  over  the  road  to  Burgos,  that  the  King  of 
Portugal  might  not  send  relief  to  that  citadel. 
Ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  she  had  spared 
herself  no  pains  or  trouble,  in  her  effort  to  aid 
Ferdinand  in  his  campaign.  At  one  time  she  had 
journeyed  to  Toledo  to  raise  the  levies  of  New 
Castile,  at  another  hastened  northwards  to  rescue 
Leon  from  a  governor  suspected  of  treachery ;  then 
again  collected  and  dispatched  troops  to  the  help 
of  Guipuzcoa,  where  Louis  XL  was  endeavouring 
to  win  a  stretch  of  coveted  seaboard.  One  evil 
result  of  the  strain  entailed  by  such  exertions  had 
been  her  miscarriage  in  the  summer  of  1475.  Her 
daughter  Isabel  was  now  doubly  precious;  and 
her  parents  for  her  better  safety  had  sent  her  to 
Segovia,  where  she  remained  in  the  charge  of 
Andres  de  Cabrera,  lately  created  for  his  services 
Marquis  of  Moya. 

While  the  siege  of  Burgos  still  delayed,  Ferdi- 
nand succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  the  town 
of  Zamora,  after  secret  correspondence  with  the 
captain  who  had  guard  of  the  main  entrance,  a 
strongly  fortified  bridge.     The  Portuguese  King 


TOLEDO,     LA    PUERTA    DEL   SOL 
FROM    A   PHOTOGRAPH   BY   ANDERSON,    ROME 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  107 

was  forced  to  retreat  to  Toro,  and  the  Castilians, 
entering  at  once,  placed  siege  to  the  citadel; 
Isabel  supplied  troops  and  artillery  from  Valla- 
dolid,  while  each  day  fresh  loyalists  appeared 
from  Galicia. 

Alfonso  now  found  himself  cut  off  from  Portugal, 
and,  aware  that  his  fortunes  had  not  matched  his 
hopes,  began  to  try  and  negotiate  favourable  terms 
of  peace.  These  were  still  in  keeping  with  his 
lofty  pretensions;  for,  in  addition  to  a  large  sum 
of  money  and  the  permanent  surrender  of  Toro 
and  Zamora,  he  demanded  that  the  kingdom  of 
Galicia  should  be  joined  to  Portugal. 

These  conditions  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  indig- 
nantly refused ;  whereupon  Alfonso,  who  had  been 
reinforced  by  his  son.  Prince  John,  and  a  large 
body  of  troops,  advanced  once  more  on  Zamora, 
pitching  his  tents  near  the  river-bank.  On  the 
other  side  was  a  formidable  array  of  earthworks 
and  ramparts,  making  communication  with  the 
citadel  impossible;  and  after  a  few  weeks  he 
broke  up  his  camp  and  slipped  away  one  dark 
night  as  silently  as  possible  in  the  direction  of  Toro. 

This  was  the  opportunity  for  which  the  Castil- 
ians had  been  waiting,  and  as  soon  as  they  dis- 
covered what  had  happened  they  swarmed  over 
the  fortifications  in  hot  pursuit.     The  Portuguese 


io8  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

had  broken  up  the  bridge  behind  them  to  cover 
their  retreat,  so  that  long  hours  were  spent  in 
repairing  it  sufficiently  for  the  transit  of  the  troops. 
The  road  also  was  often  narrow,  winding  between 
the  Douro  and  the  hills,  and  it  was  almost  dusk 
before  Ferdinand  came  in  touch  with  the  enemy's 
rear-guard  about  three  leagues  from  Toro. 

Then  the  battle  began  in  grim  earnest.  Prince 
John  of  Portugal,  who  was  on  his  father's  left, 
by  the  use  of  his  small  ordnance  followed  by  a 
daring  charge,  succeeded  in  shattering  the  forces 
opposed  to  him;  but  on  the  centre  and  right  a 
prolonged  struggle  ensued,  intensified  by  all  the 
bitterness  of  national  hatred.  Here  fought  the 
rival  kings,  and  hard  by,  with  a  lust  of  war  ill 
becoming  their  office,  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo 
on  the  one  side,  the  Cardinal  of  Spain  on  the  other. 
After  three  hours  of  hand-to-hand  combat,  the 
Portuguese  broke  and  fled.  In  the  darkness  and 
the  rain,  Prince  John  sounded  his  trumpets  and, 
rallying  such  of  his  forces  as  he  could,  retreated 
in  good  order  towards  Toro.  Before  him  went  a 
mass  of  flying  fugitives  who,  coming  to  the  city, 
beat  in  vain  upon  the  closed  gates  for  admittance. 

"Where  is  your  King?"  cried  those  within. 
"You  guarded  his  person  in  his  room  and  at  his 
table,  in  his  pleasures  and  at  his  feasts,  but  when 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  109 

his  life  and  honour  were  most  in  your  care,  you 
left  him  alone  in  the  battle.  Where  is  your 
King?" 

Those  of  the  royal  body-guard  that  stood  with- 
out hung  their  heads  in  shame  and  misery.  They 
could  not  answer.  The  Archbishop  of  Toledo 
appeared,  later  Prince  John,  but  neither  knew 
aught  of  Alfonso.  The  Portuguese  looked  at  their 
Castilian  allies  askance.  Had  these  betrayed  him? 
The  Castilians  returned  their  glances  with  defiance. 
Little  good  had  foreign  help  ever  brought  them! 

In  this  suspense  the  city  continued  till  morning, 
when  messengers  came  from  Castronufio,  a  small 
fortress  in  the  neighbourhood,  to  say  that  Alfonso 
had  taken  refuge  there.  As  easily  cast  into  the 
depths  of  despair,  as  buoyed  by  main  hopes,  he 
had  believed  all  lost  when  the  retreat  began  and 
imagined  Toro  already  in  Ferdinand's  power. 
This  mood  of  depression  did  not  last  long;  for 
his  dispatches  to  Lisbon  narrated  a  signal  victory. 

Isabel  was  at  this  time  in  Tordesillas  and  cele- 
brated her  husband's  triumph  by  a  religious 
procession  to  the  church  of  San  Pablo,  where  bare- 
foot she  gave  thanks  to  God  for  the  mercy  He  had 
shown  them.  She  and  Ferdinand  also  founded  the 
magnificent  monastery  of  San  Juan  de  Los  Reyes 
in  Toledo  in  memory  of  the  event. 


no  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

The  battle  of  Toro  did  not  end  the  Portuguese 
war,  which  was  destined  to  drag  on  its  somewhat 
uninteresting  course  for  another  three  years;  but 
it  was  decisive  enough  to  show  with  whom  the  fi- 
nal victory  would  be.  Alfonso,  in  spite  of  claiming 
success,  left  Toro  in  the  charge  of  a  lieutenant  and 
retired  in  disgust  to  his  own  land.  He  complained 
bitterly  of  his  Castilian  allies  and  the  failure  of 
their  promises,  but  soon  recovered  heart  in  the 
conception  of  another  scheme.  This  was  nothing 
less  than  a  personal  interview  with  Louis  XL,  by 
which  he  hoped  to  persuade  that  monarch  to  join 
with  him  in  an  invasion  of  Castile;  and  with  this 
intention  he  left  his  government  and  niece  to  the 
care  of  his  son,  and  set  sail  for  France. 

Less  sanguine  of  the  future,  most  of  his  captains 
in  Castile  struck  the  best  bargains  with  their 
opponents  that  they  could ;  the  citadels  of  Burgos 
and  Zamora  both  surrendering  at  once,  while  Toro 
followed  their  example  in  the  early  autumn. 
Characteristic  also  of  the  trend  of  events  was  the 
appearance  of  the  Duke  of  Arevalo's  son  at  Torde- 
sillas  to  beg  forgiveness  for  his  father;  a  petition 
to  which  Isabel,  who  was  more  anxious  to  pacify 
the  country  than  to  extort  vengeance,  readily 
agreed.  The  Duke  restored  to  her  the  town  of 
Arevalo,  changing  his  title  to  Plasencia. 


TOLEDO,    CHURCH    OF   SAN   JUAN    DE    LOS    REYES 

FROM   A   PHOTOGRAPH   BY  ANDERSON,    ROME 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  iii 

The  Marquis  of  Villena  and  Archbishop  of 
Toledo,  deprived  of  their  friends,  also  sued  for 
mercy,  thinking  that  it  was  better  to  lose  a  portion 
of  their  estates  than  the  whole,  but  there  was  little 
sincerity  in  the  homage  they  offered.  The  rift 
had  widened  too  far  between  Carrillo  and  his 
royal  mistress  ever  to  be  bridged  again  by  mutual 
trust;  and  the  Primate  remained  on  his  estates 
brooding  over  his  fallen  fortunes. 

Ferdinand  in  the  meanwhile,  having  realized 
that  the  crisis  of  the  war  was  over,  had  gone  to 
Aragon  to  see  his  father.  The  old  King,  clear  of 
mind  and  enterprising  as  ever  at  an  age  when  most 
men  have  set  aside  their  life  work  in  weariness  of 
spirit,  was  planning  new  schemes  for  gaining 
Roussillon  and  Cerdagne,  while  he  worked  to  keep 
Navarre,  now  owned  by  his  grandson  Francis- 
Phoebus,  from  undue  French  influence.  He  had 
fought  through  his  other  difficulties,  recovered  his 
sight,  subdued  Barcelona,  achieved  the  Castilian 
alliance;  perhaps  time  would  be  given  him  to 
realize  the  rest  of  his  ambitions.  If  not,  there 
was  the  son  in  whom  he  had  always  believed  to 
carry  on  his  work ;  and  he  greeted  Ferdinand,  not 
with  the  mediaeval  condescension  of  father  to 
child,  but  with  the  reverence  one  sovereign  offers 
to  another  of  somewhat  higher  rank. 


112  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

From  Aragon  Ferdinand  was  called  to  help 
the  men  of  Biscay  and  Guipuzcoa  in  their 
struggle  against  their  French  invaders;  while 
Isabel,  left  as  sole  ruler  in  Castile,  carried 
on  her  policy  of  mingled  suppression  and 
reconciliation. 

At  the  beginning  of  August,  1476,  what  threat- 
ened to  be  a  serious  rebellion  broke  out  in  Segovia, 
during  the  absence  of  the  governor,  Andres  de 
Cabrera,  now  Marquis  of  Moya.  The  malcon- 
tents, whose  disaffection  had  been  roused  by  his 
appointment  of  certain  officials,  succeeded  by  a 
ruse  in  gaining  entrance  to  the  citadel  and  seized 
the  deputy  governor,  the  father  of  Beatriz  de 
Bobadilla,  while  the  rest  of  the  garrison  were 
forced  to  take  refuge  in  one  of  the  towers  with 
the  Infanta  Isabel. 

The  Queen,  warned  by  messengers,  came  in  haste 
from  Tordesillas  and  foimd  the  city  in  confusion, 
all  but  one  of  the  gates  being  in  the  hands  of  the 
insurgents.  The  latter  begged  her  not  to  enter 
by  the  gate  of  San  Juan,  which  remained  faithful 
to  Moya,  nor  to  take  with  her  Beatriz  de  Boba- 
dilla his  wife  nor  the  Count  of  Benavente  his 
friend,  as  such  actions  would  be  bitterly  re- 
sented by  the  mob.  To  this  Isabel  sent  prompt 
reply : 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  113 

Tell  these  knights  and  citizens  of  Segovia  that  I 
am  Queen  of  Castile  and  this  city  is  mine.  ...  I 
need  not  laws  nor  conditions,  such  as  they  would 
impose,  to  enter  into  my  own. 

Then  with  the  Count  of  Benavente  and  the 
Cardinal  of  Spain,  one  on  either  side,  she  rode 
through  the  gate  of  San  Juan  and  so  to  the  Alca- 
zar. Behind  her  surged  the  crowd,  crying  death 
to  the  Marquis  and  his  adherents.  So  threatening 
was  their  attitude  that  the  Cardinal  of  Spain 
begged  her  for  her  own  safety  to  have  the  doors 
tightly  closed  and  barred;  but  she,  bidding  them 
stay  within,  went  out  alone  to  the  top  of  the  stair- 
case overlooking  the  big  courtyard.  At  her 
command  the  gates  were  flung  wide,  and  the 
mob  surged  through  them,  howling  and  gesticulat- 
ing, but  at  the  sight  of  the  Queen  their  cries  died 
away  to  silence. 

"My  vavssals,  what  do  you  seek?  "  she  demanded, 
"for  that  which  is  for  your  good  is  for  my  service, 
and  I  am  pleased  that  it  should  be  done.  *' 

One  of  the  crowd,  speaking  for  the  rest,  begged 
that  Andres  de  Cabrera  mio^ht  no  longer  have 
command  of  the  Alcazar. 

"That  which  you  wish,  I  wish  also,"  answered 
the  Queen. 

She  then  bade  them  go  up  at  once  to  the  towers 

8 


114  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

and  walls  and  drive  out  all  who  were  in  possession, 
whether  of  Cabrera's  following  or  the  actual 
rebels  who  had  since  occupied  the  place. 

"I  will  entrust  it,"  she  added,  "to  one  of  my 
servants,  who  will  guard  both  his  loyalty  to  me 
and  your  honour." 

Her  words  put  an  end  to  the  rebellion  for,  both 
Cabrera's  adherents  and  the  insurgent  leaders 
being  suppressed,  the  city  remained  quiet,  and 
Isabel  was  able  to  enquire  into  the  true  facts  of 
the  case.  This  resulted  in  the  punishment  and 
dismissal  of  various  minor  officials,  but  the  Mar- 
quis of  Moya,  whose  conduct  was  cleared,  was 
restored  to  his  responsible  post. 

When  Ferdinand  returned  from  Biscay,  the 
sovereigns,  after  a  short  time  together,  were 
separated  once  more;  he  remaining  in  the  north 
to  watch  over  the  affairs  of  Aragon  and  France, 
while  she  went  south  to  Estremadura  and  Anda- 
lusia. The  civil  war  was  practically  at  an  end. 
Here  and  there  some  strongly  fortified  place  still 
floated  the  Portuguese  standard;  or  the  nobles, 
like  wild  horses  bridled  for  the  first  time  and  un- 
able to  believe  themselves  mastered,  chafed  in 
secret  conspiracies  or  flamed  into  spasmodic 
rebellion.  The  history  of  their  suppression  is 
connected  rather  with  the  work  of  reconstruc- 


1 


1479]  The  Portuguese  War  115 

tion  than  of  actual  warfare.  For  the  moment 
this  one  change,  effected  by  the  sovereigns' 
methods,  challenges  our  attention, — that  the 
great  cities  of  the  south,  lately  the  scenes  of 
chronic  feuds  and  rebellions,  were  turning  again 
to  be  the  centres  of  civilization  and  justice  for 
their  neighbourhoods. 

It  was  in  Seville,  whose  streets  had  often  run 
red  in  the  faction  fights  of  the  Duke  of  Medina - 
Sidonia  and  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz,  that  Isabel 
made  her  headquarters;  and  here  on  the  30th  of 
June,  1478,  the  long-hoped-for  heir  to  the  kingdoms 
of  Castile  and  Aragon  was  born.  John,  Prince  of 
Asturias,  opened  his  eyes  on  a  world  of  fairer 
prospects  than  the  dangers  and  doubts  that  had 
hung  about  his  sister's  cradle.  Not  only  within 
their  own  territories  but  elsewhere  in  Europe  the 
sovereigns  had  begun  to  make  their  power  felt, 
and  as  their  influence  grew  that  of  Alfonso  of 
Portugal  diminished. 

His  journey  to  France,  so  magnificently  con- 
ceived, had  ended  in  even  greater  ignominy  than 
the  rest  of  his  castles  in  Spain;  perhaps  because 
Louis  XI.,  so  necessary  a  persona  of  his  drama, 
utterly  failed  to  play  the  part  assigned  to  him. 
Alfonso's  reception  at  Orleans  had  been  all  that 
his  heart  could  desire;  citizens  had  bowed  them- 


ii6  Isabel  of  Castile  [147s- 

selves  before  him,  the  torchHt  streets  had  been  hung 
with  tapestry,  feasts  and  music  had  entertained  him 
at  his  lodging.  From  Orleans  he  passed  to  Tours 
and  here  Louis  XI.  met  him,  and  the  two  sover- 
eigns affectionately  embraced.  They  declared 
that  the  one  hour  in  their  lives  for  which  they  had 
always  longed  had  come ;  but  when  they  descended 
to  business  the  French  King  showed  himself 
coldly  obtuse  to  his  companion's  eloquence.  He 
admitted  the  heinousness  of  Isabel's  offence,  but 
protested  that  he  had  already  shown  his  indigna- 
tion by  his  invasion  of  Biscay  and  Guipuzcoa. 
At  present  he  was  too  fully  occupied  with  his 
quarrel  with  Charles  of  Burgundy  to  do  more,  but 
when  that  was  settled  he  would  have  his  hands 
free  to  embark  on  wider  schemes.  Besides  by 
that  time  Alfonso  would  have  obtained  the  dis- 
pensation for  his  marriage  and  so  stand  on  far 
surer  ground.  It  would  be  as  well  for  all  con- 
cerned to  have  Joanna's  claims  acknowledged 
by  the  Papal  Court. 

The  King  of  Portugal  was  in  no  position  to 
apply  pressure  and  could  only  wait  in  blind  trust- 
fulness for  the  fulfilment  of  these  hints.  He  on 
his  part  did  his  best  to  carry  out  the  conditions 
suggested;  and  messengers  were  sent  at  once  to 
Rome,   who,   mainly   through   French   influence. 


PRINCE  JOHN,    SON    OF    FERDINAND    AND    ISABEL.       (FUNERAL    EFFIGY.) 
FROM    "ICONOGRAFIA   ESPANOLA"    BY   VALENTIN   CARDERERA  Y   SOLANO 


14791  The  Portuguese  War  117 

wrung  the  desired  bull  from  Sixtus  IV.  Fortune 
seemed  to  throw  her  weight  into  his  scales,  for  in 
January,  1477,  Charles  the  Bold  was  killed  at  Nanci, 
and  Alfonso  now  looked  eagerly  for  his  ally  to 
turn  his  attention  to  Spanish  affairs. 

Disillusionment  followed.  Far  from  having  his 
hands  free,  Louis  XI.  was  busier  than  ever.  It 
had  been  more  arduous  work  perhaps  to  set 
pitfalls  and  traps  for  the  warlike  Duke  than  to 
attempt  the  annexation  of  Biscay  and  Guipuzcoa; 
but  the  profits  and  interest  to  be  gained  from 
robbing  Charles's  daughter  and  heiress,  the  Duchess 
Mary,  of  her  outlying  lands  and  possessions  were 
infinitely  greater  than  any  to  be  found  in  Spain. 
Thus  the  Duke's  death  had  not  only  advanced  the 
Portuguese  schemes  no  further,  but  the  French 
King  had  begun  to  look  on  his  royal  guest  as  an 
unmitigated  bore,  of  whom  he  was  only  longing 
to  see  the  last. 

The  truth  that  he  was  being  duped  dawned  on 
Alfonso  at  length,  and  in  abject  despair  he  vowed 
that  he  would  cast  aside  his  crown  and  go  on  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land,  or  at  least  end  his 
days  in  a  monastery.  So  vehement  were  the 
messages  that  he  dispatched  to  Lisbon  to  this 
effect  that  his  people  took  him  at  his  word;  and 
when,  having  somewhat  recovered  his  spirits,  he 


ii8  Isabel  of  Castile  [1475- 

landed  on  his  own  shores,  it  was  to  learn  that  his 
son  had  been  proclaimed  King  in  his  stead.  His 
adventures  had  now  reached  a  stage  when  they 
might  easily  have  drifted  from  the  ludicrous  into 
the  tragic,  had  not  Prince  John  generously  with- 
drawn his  claims  in  his  father's  favour.  Alfonso 
V.  reigned  once  more. 

With  unabated  anger  he  laid  his  plans  for  a  new 
invasion  of  Castile  and  allied  himself  with  mal- 
content nobles  of  Estremadura.  Rebellion  blazed 
again  along  the  border,  fomented  by  the  Bishop 
of  Ebora  at  the  head  of  some  Portuguese  troops, 
but  it  was  the  last  spurt  of  an  almost  exhausted 
fire. 

Sympathy  at  home  and  abroad  were  alienated. 
Louis  XI.,  more  hopeful  of  adding  Franche  Comte 
to  his  possessions  than  the  hostile  population  of 
Northern  Spain,  had  come  to  terms  with  Castile; 
Sixtus  IV.,  under  pressure  from  Castile,  Aragon, 
and  the  Aragonese  House  of  Naples,  had  revoked 
his  bull  of  dispensation  for  Joanna's  marriage; 
Ferdinand  himself,  in  January,  1479,  had  succeeded 
his  father  peacefully  in  the  three  divisions  of  the 
western  kingdom. 

Circumstances  thus  urged  peace;  and  Alfonso, 
bowing  to  necessity,  consented  to  negotiations 
which  ended  in  the  treaty  of  Lisbon,  signed  on 


JOANNA    "la    BELTRANEJA  " 
FROM   SITGES  '    "  ENRIQUE   IV.    Y   LA   EXCELENTE  SENORA  ' 


14791  The  Portuguese  War  119 

September  24,  1479.  The  sovereigns  on  either 
side  renounced  the  titles  they  had  usurped; 
the  King  of  Portugal  bound  himself  by  oath 
never  to  marry  with  his  niece;  Isabel  and  Fer- 
dinand agreed  to  pardon  their  rebellious  sub- 
jects. For  Joanna  their  was  a  choice  of  three 
things:  either  to  wed  the  little  Prince  of  Astu- 
rias,  sixteen  years  her  junior,  when  he  should 
have  reached  a  marriageable  age;  or  else  to 
enter  a  convent  of  the  Order  of  Santa  Clara ;  fail- 
ing these,  to  leave  Portugal  and  its  dominions 
for  ever. 

Joanna  had  been  given  six  months,  within 
which  to  make  her  decision.  She  had  suffered 
much  in  her  troubled  life  from  suitors  who  had 
asked  her  hand  for  their  own  ends  and  for  the  same 
reason  repudiated  her.  She  had  found  in  her 
mother's  land  her  only  refuge.  These  remem- 
brances may  have  coloured  her  choice,  for  in  the 
following  year  she  entered  the  convent  of  Santa 
Clara  at  Coimbra;  two  ambassadors  from  Castile 
being  present. 

One  of  these,  Isabel's  confessor  Fra  Fernando 
de  Talavera,  while  making  her  a  last  offer  of  the 
hand  of  the  Prince  of  Asturias,  assured  her  that 
she  had  chosen  the  better  part,  from  which  no  true 
friend  or  adviser  would  tempt  her  to  turn  aside. 


120  Isabel  of  Castile         [1475-1479] 

To  this  the  Princess  answered  that  her  decision 
had  been  given  willingly  and  without  reward ;  and 
thus  passed  for  the  time  being  from  the  pages  of 
history. 


CHAPTER  V 

ORGANIZATION  AND  REFORM 

T  SABEL  and  Ferdinand  had  emerged  victorious 
*  from  the  Portuguese  war ;  but  the  wounds  their 
power  had  received  were  to  be  long  in  healing; 
and  one  at  least,  the  poverty  of  their  exchequer, 
remained  a  constant  sore  and  vexation. 

A  certain  Canon  of  Toledo,  in  an  oration  made  to 
the  Catholic  sovereigns  at  the  height  of  their 
power,  recalls  the  opening  of  their  reign : 

You  received  your  sceptre  [he  said]  from  the  hands 
of  the  Most  High  God  .  .  .  at  a  time  when  the  flames 
of  civil  war  burned  fiercely  and  the  rights  of  the 
community  were  well-nigh  lost.  Then  were  our 
swords  employed,  not  to  defend  the  boundaries  of 
Christendom,  but  to  rip  up  the  entrails  of  our  country. 
Enemies  at  home  drank  greedily  the  blood  of  our 
citizens;  he  was  the  most  esteemed  among  us  who  was 
the  strongest  in  violence;  justice  and  peace  were  far 
removed. 

Murder,  rape,  and  robbery!  These,  according 
to   the   Sicilian   historian   Lucio   Marineo,   were 

121 


122  Isabel  of  Castile 

hourly  crimes,  perpetrated  without  fear  of  punish- 
ment by  the  marauding  bands,  who  haunted  the 
highways,  and  even  commandeered  royal  fortresses 
and  strongholds  as  bases  of  operations  for  their 
raids. 

"Many  a  man  was  taken  prisoner,"  says  Mar- 
ineo,  "whose  relations  ransomed  him  no  less  dearly 
than  if  he  had  been  a  captive  of  the  Moors  or  of 
some  other  enemy  of  the  Holy  CathoHc  Faith." 

In  a  letter,  written  in  the  autumn  of  1473,  Her- 
nando de  Pulgar  portrays  no  less  clearly  the  absolute 
negation  of  government  in  Southern  Spain,  Anda- 
lusia is  the  prey  of  rival  families;  for  the  moment 
they  have  consented  to  a  truce,  but  none  knows 
whether  the  exhausted  land  will  bear,  nor  who  will 
reap  the  harvest.  As  to  the  neighbouring  province 
of  Murcia,  "I  dare  swear,  Sefior, "  adds  Pulgar, 
"that  we  look  on  it  as  a  country  more  alien  than 
Navarre,  seeing  that  it  is  now  over  five  years  since 
letter,  messenger,  procurador,  or  magistrate, 
either  went  or  came  from  thence. " 

Amid  such  scenes  of  anarchy,  the  mass  of  the 
people  made  what  shift  they  could  to  protect  their 
lives  and  goods.  In  their  despair,  "God,"  in  the 
words  of  the  chronicler,  "inspired  them,"  so  that 
they  endeavoured  to  take  the  justice  that  had  been 
denied  them  into  their  own  hands.     Here  and 


Organization  and  Reform         123 

there  throughout  the  country  troops  of  armed  men 
were  raised  who,  under  the  title  of  "La  Santa 
Hermandad, "  or  "Holy  Brotherhood,"  bound 
themselves  to  maintain  the  peace  of  their  district 
and  to  punish  evildoers. 

The  idea  was  not  original.  Introduced  towards 
the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  as  a  political 
expedient,  the  organization  of  local  levies  had 
developed  as  the  years  passed  into  a  recognized 
means  of  providing  armed  police  in  times  of  danger 
or  distress.  Yet,  in  spite  of  charters  and  laws 
determining  its  functions  and  resources,  the  Holy 
Brotherhood  had  never  hardened  in  practice  into 
a  permanent  institution.  It  depended  too  largely 
for  its  upkeep  on  a  class  of  men,  whose  sole  interest 
was  the  preservation  of  the  commerce  and  industry 
by  which  they  earned  their  livelihood.  Only  the 
anxiety  of  the  moment  could  persuade  such  peace- 
loving  citizens  either  to  take  arms  themselves,  or  to 
buy  immunity  by  opening  their  shallow  purses. 
Thus,  when  the  crisis  of  any  disturbance  was  over, 
enthusiasm  for  the  scheme  of  protection  would 
almost  certainly  wane;  and  the  police-machinery 
either  collapse  or  waste  its  energies  in  contentions 
with  local  magistrates. 

Henry  IV.  had  joyfully  welcomed  the  reappear- 
ance of  the  "Santa  Hermandad."     Here  was  an 


124  Isabel  of  Castile 

ally  to  whom  he  could  leave  the  summary  adminis- 
tration of  justice  that  he  found  so  irksome,  and 
for  whose  maintenance  he  need  not  beggar  his 
exchequer.  When  told  of  a  brotherhood  formed 
at  Tordesillas,  he  exclaimed  with  his  usual  glib 
quotation  of  scripture:  "This  is  God's  doing  and 
it  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes."  Acknowledging  his 
own  helplessness,  he  addressed  the  chief  officials 
in  terms  of  encouragement  that  for  all  their 
extravagance  cost  him  little  : 

Go  forth  with  your  pennons!  Display  your 
banners !  That  ten  may  conquer  a  hundred,  and  that 
a  hundred  may  be  as  a  thousand,  and  that  a  thousand 
may  quell  all  who  come  against  you.  For  should 
you  not  go,  Castile  will  cease  to  be.  Should  you  not 
rouse  yourselves  her  ruin  is  certain. 

Whether  the  Hermandad,  thus  exhorted,  found 
the  praise  satisfying  chroniclers  do  not  say.  In 
the  face  of  the  almost  universal  anarchy,  purely 
local  efforts,  whether  inspired  by  panic  or  genuine 
patriotism,  were  doomed  to  failure :  and  when  the 
horrors  of  a  foreign  invasion  were  added  to  domes- 
tic discord,  the  last  feeble  attempts  at  self-defence 
flickered  out  into  helplessness. 

In  this  extremity  the  new  sovereigns,  recogniz- 
ing that  the  restoration  of  order  must  originate 
with  them,  consented  in  the  Cortes  of  Madrigal  of 


Organization  and  Reform         125 

1476  to  a  proposal  that  there  should  be  a  general 
Hermandad  for  the  kingdoms  of  Castile,  Leon, 
and  Asturias.  Two  months  later  the  deputies, 
assembled  in  Duefias,  discussed  its  organization 
and  character,  the  authors  of  the  suggested  reform 
meeting  at  first  with  stormy  opposition.  Some 
present  denounced  the  methods  under  question 
as  entirely  wrong,  while  others  complained  that 
the  good  to  be  reaped  would  not  balance  the 
necessary  expenditure;  but  in  the  end  all  such 
arguments  were  overridden,  and  the  Santa  Her- 
mandad was  established  for  three  years  on  its 
new  basis. 

The  executive  was  to  consist  of  some  two  thou- 
sand horsemen  and  a  number  of  foot-soldiers  to  be 
held  in  perpetual  readiness  to  pursue  and  punish 
evildoers.  At  the  head  of  this  force  was  placed 
Ferdinand's  illegitimate  brother,  Alfonso,  Duke 
of  Villahermosa ;  and  below  him  captains  for  each 
locality,  whose  business  it  was  to  raise  the  hue 
and  cry,  as  soon  as  a  well-authenticated  tale  of 
crime  came  to  their  ears. 

Wherever  there  was  a  case  of  burglary  or  rape; 
wherever,  in  the  open  country  some  assault  or 
act  of  violence  was  perpetrated ;  or  if  the  offender, 
having  committed  his  crime  within  the  precincts 
of  a  town,  fled  for  safety  to  the  woods  and  fields 


126  Isabel  of  Castile 

beyond  the  walls;  or  if,  being  charged  with  some 
offence,  he  resisted  the  summons,  the  matter  fell 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  local  Hermandad. 

Raising  his  force,  the  captain  of  the  district 
must  pursue  his  man  relentlessly,  summoning  to 
him  as  he  went  all  the  privates  and  officers  of  the 
Brotherhood  within  sound  of  his  alarm,  till  at 
some  five  leagues  distant  from  his  home,  a  colleague 
would  take  up  the  chase ;  and  so  from  boundary  to 
boundary  the  suspected  criminal  would  be  hunted 
down.  Led  back  in  triumph  to  the  scene  of  the 
crime,  he  would  be  hailed  at  once  before  the  local 
"Alcaldes,"  or  Judges  of  the  Hermandad,  and 
there,  if  convicted,  receive  summary  justice,  of 
which  this  one  thing  was  certain,  that  it  would  not 
err  on  the  side  of  mercy. 

The  least  punishment  administered  was  mutila- 
tion, the  loss  of  a  foot  for  some  small  robbery  that 
the  thief,  whatever  his  inclinations,  should  have 
power  to  steal  no  more.  In  the  majority  of  cases 
there  was  but  one  sentence — "death."  A  priest 
was  fetched,  and  the  convicted  man,  having  con- 
fessed his  sins  and  received  the  Sacraments  as  a 
"Catholic  Christian,"  was  at  once  bound  to  a 
tree,  and  there  met  his  doom  from  the  arrows  of 
the  troopers  who  had  so  lately  captured  him. 
Of  the  lasting  power  of  the  repentance  expressed 


Organization  and  Reform         127 

by  such  ruffians  contemporaries  had  their  doubts, 
for  an  ordinance  of  the  Hermandad  commanded 
that  the  guilty  man  "should  die  as  speedily  as 
possible  that  his  soul  might  pass  from  him  with 
the  greater  safety. " 

The  whole  of  the  proceedings,  from  the  hasty 
trial  to  the  merciless  sentence  and  its  immediate 
enactment,  bears  the  taint  of  barbarism.  It  can 
only  be  estimated  rightly  in  connection  with  the 
burning  homesteads  and  their  murdered  and  tor- 
tured inhabitants  that  such  stern  justice  came  to 
check.  One  safeguard  against  local  tyranny 
the  regulations  of  the  Hermandad  provided, — an 
appeal  in  doubtful  cases  from  the  Alcaldes  to  a 
central  Junta,  or  Supreme  Court,  and  if  necessary 
beyond  that  to  the  sovereigns  themselves.  Save 
for  royal  supervision  the  decisions  of  this  court, 
which  was  composed  of  a  deputy  from  each  pro- 
vince with  the  Bishop  of  Cartagena  as  its  president, 
were  absolute;  and  thus  it  was  given  full  scope 
for  its  work  of  controlling  the  different  branches 
and  for  securing  cohesion  between  their  officials. 

The  expenses  of  the  new  machinery  were  met  by 
a  tax  of  1800  maravedis  on  every  one  hundred 
householders,  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  and 
equipment  of  a  single  horseman.  In  a  country, 
poverty-stricken  through  long  years  of  internal 


128  Isabel  of  Castile 

unrest  and  consequent  commercial  insecurity,  such 
a  burden  could  only  be  justified  by  extreme  need; 
but  time  was  to  prove  the  compensation  more  than 
adequate. 

''None  of  the  reforms  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
were  so  efficient  in  restoring  order, ' '  says  a  modern 
historian,  speaking  of  the  Santa  Hermandad,  and, 
he  also  adds,  "none  did  more  to  centralize  power, " 
This  latter  fact  was  realized  by  many  of  the  nobles. 
Here  was  the  nucleus  of  a  standing  army,  con- 
trolled by  a  central  council  under  royal  supervision. 
Its  officers,  when  in  pursuit  of  their  prey,  claimed 
the  right  of  entry,  not  only  within  the  gates  of 
walled  cities  under  municipal  jurisdiction,  but 
into  fortified  castles  hitherto  inviolable.  Thus 
the  Santa  Hermandad,  in  attacking  anarchy, 
threatened  territorial  independence;  and  an  aris- 
tocracy, that  had  zealously  fomented  trouble  for 
its  private  ends,  received  the  due  reward  of  its 
efforts. 

In  vain  a  gathering  of  prelates  and  nobles 
complained  at  Corbefias  of  the  arbitrary  and 
illegal  character  of  the  new  police  force.  They 
had  lived  as  a  class  apart  and  could  expect  no 
sympathy  from  the  mass  of  the  nation.  Neither 
with  peasant  nor  burgher  were  the  expenses  of 
the   Holy   Brotherhood   popular,   but  both   were 


Organization  and  Reform         129 

willing  to  pay  a  high  price  for  the  security  of 
their  lives  and  goods. 

The  citizens  and  artisans  and  all  the  poor  people 
desirous  of  peace  [says  Pulgar]  were  very  joyful;  and 
they  gave  thanks  to  God,  because  they  saw  a  time  in 
which  it  pleased  Him  to  have  pity  on  these  kingdoms, 
through  the  justice  that  the  King  and  Queen  began  to 
execute,  and  because  each  man  thought  to  possess  his 
own  without  fear  that  another  would  take  it  from  him 
by  force. 

At  the  end  of  three  years  the  Hermandad,  to 
the  general  satisfaction,  was  granted  a  new  lease  of 
lite.  Its  path  was  also  smoothed  by  the  conduct 
of  the  Constable  of  Castile,  Pedro  Fernandez  de 
Velasco,  Count  of  Haro, — the  same  who  had  once 
argued  with  the  recalcitrant  Archbishop  of  Toledo 
on  the  subject  of  loyalty.  Eager  to  prove  his  own, 
he  willingly  gave  the  officers  of  the  Hermandad 
access  to  his  demesnes,  even  joining  with  the 
members  of  his  household  to  assist  them  in  their 
work.  As  he  was  accredited  with  more  vassals 
than  any  other  of  his  peers,  his  example  was 
followed  by  those  of  the  leading  nobles  who  wished 
to  win  royal  favour.  Lesser  territorial  magnates 
yielded  perforce  to  the  trend  of  popular  opinion; 
and  the  sphere  of  action  enjoyed  by  the  Her- 
mandad widened,  not  only  to  include  the  entire 


130  Isabel  of  Castile 

dominions  of  Castile  but  also  the  kingdom  of 
Aragon. 

Its  work  was  the  more  effective  from  the  attitude 
adopted  towards  it  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabel. 
Had  they  sought  only  the  aggrandizement  of  their 
own  power,  using  the  judges  and  officials  merely 
as  royal  agents  to  gratify  their  personal  dislikes, 
or  to  bring  money  into  their  coffers,  they  would 
have  speedily  disillusioned  the  nation.  Tyranny 
that  apes  justice  can  never  conceal  for  long  its 
guiding  principle  of  self-interest;  but  in  the  case 
of  the  Queen  it  soon  became  obvious  that  she 
entered  into  the  spirit  of  righteous  dealing  as 
eagerly  as  the  poorest  and  least  protected  of  her 
subjects. 

It  must  not  be  inferred  from  this  that  the  Castil- 
ian  Princess  had  been  endowed  with  a  love  of 
truth  under  any  circumstances.  Her  life  had  been 
spent  for  the  most  part  in  an  atmosphere  of  treach- 
ery, where  he  who  was  the  least  reliable  or  con- 
scientious scored  highest  in  the  game  of  politics; 
and,  when  necessity  forced  her  to  play  a  hand  as 
in  the  case  of  her  marriage,  she  had  proved  herself 
capable  of  "bluffing"  with  the  best.  The  thread- 
ing of  such  intricate  mazes  was  an  ordinary 
statesman's  career,  and  Isabel  had  been  bom 
with  an  aptitude  for  statecraft.     What  was  worth 


Organization  and  Reform         131 

a  great  deal  more  to  Spain  was  her  aptitude  for 
kingship. 

Throughout  the  troublous  years,  spent  first 
at  the  Court  of  one  brother  and  then  wandering 
in  rebellion  with  another,  she  had  seen  the  Crown 
dragged  through  the  mire.  Instinct  had  taught 
her  that  its  degradation  was  largely  deserved. 
The  sovereign  who  fails  to  keep  the  respect  of 
his  subjects  has  forfeited  the  claim  even  to  respect 
himself ;  he  has  truly  abdicated  his  rights. 

Isabel's  conscience  might  suffer  no  pangs  for 
those  she  had  deceived  in  the  war  of  politics,  but 
her  whole  soul  revolted  from  a  lowering  of  her 
ideal  of  sovereignty.  "The  king  was  the  father 
of  his  people,  the  fountain  of  law  and  justice." 
The  pride  that  insisted  on  the  recognition  of  this 
dignity  insisted  also  on  a  king's  fulfilment  of  its 
conditions. 

Isabel  had  been  the  first  to  repudiate  the  notion 
that  the  Santa  Hermandad  should  be  suppressed 
directly  the  crisis  of  public  unrest  was  ended,  but 
she  had  no  mind  that  it  should  earn  an  evil  reputa- 
tion for  the  Crown  by  unbridled  tyranny.  In 
1483  she  and  Ferdinand  held  an  enquiry  into  its 
past  administration,  and  punished  not  only  those 
who  had  defied  its  justice,  but  also  judges  con- 
victed of  favouritism  and  officials  who  had  been 


132  Isabel  of  Castile 

guilty  of  excessive  demands,  or  who  had  appro- 
priated more  than  their  share  of  the  funds. 

Such  equitable  dealing  was  in  marked  contrast 
with  the  methods  of  Henry  IV.,  whose  practice  it 
had  been  to  farm  out  the  posts  of  "corregidor" 
amongst  his  dissolute  favourites  and  to  allow  them 
to  recoup  themselves  for  the  purchase  by  what 
means  they  liked.  In  vain  the  citizens  had  com- 
plained that  under  this  system  any  robber  or 
murderer  could  buy  his  freedom.  The  "corregi- 
dores,"  as  they  released  those  who  bribed  them, 
were  ready  with  the  cynical  justification  that 
human  blood  would  neither  pay  the  King  nor 
reward  them  for  their  labours. 

The  appointments  made  by  Henry's  successor 
were  based  on  a  totally  different  standard,  that  of 
capability  for  the  office  in  question.  Great  was 
the  surprise  of  men  who  had  supported  Isabel  in 
the  civil  war,  when  their  petitions  for  royal  agen- 
cies met  with  the  response  that  their  services 
would  be  recompensed  in  some  other  way.  This 
promise,  we  are  told,  was  faithfully  kept ;  but  the 
offices  they  had  coveted  passed  into  different 
hands.  The  Queen's  experience  had  taught  her 
that  the  loyal  soldier  is  not  always  gifted  with 
the  best  business  head,  nor  with  the  most 
persuasive  tongue. 


Organization  and  Reform         133 

An  instance  of  the  difficulties  encountered  by 
the  new  regime  may  be  seen  in  the  settlement  of 
Galicia  at  the  end  of  the  Portuguese  war.  That 
turbulent  province  had  been  the  prey  of  tyrant 
nobles  since  the  days  of  John  II.,  Isabel's  father. 
Mushroom  fortresses  had  sprung  up  to  defend  the 
bands  of  robbers  who  infested  its  highways  and 
oppressed  the  smaller  towns  and  villages.  Rents 
and  tithes  were  collected  by  those  whose  only 
right  was  the  sword  with  which  they  emphasized 
their  demand;  while  even  the  lands  belonging  to 
the  monasteries  and  churches  had  been  sequestered 
for  secular  purposes. 

In  1 48 1,  two  officials  appeared  at  Santiago, 
charged  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  with  the  Her- 
culean task  of  restoring  peace  and  justice.  In 
response  to  their  summons  the  Procuradores  of 
the  various  towns  and  country  districts  came  to 
assist  them;  but,  though  all  bore  witness  to  the 
prevailing  anarchy,  none  showed  enthusiasm  for 
its  cure.  Their  sole  response  to  the  suggestions 
offered  was  that  "disorder  was  sanctioned  by  cus- 
tom and  must  therefore  be  the  natural  state  of 
affairs."  It  is  a  type  of  argument  that  centuries 
of  use  have  not  worn  threadbare. 

By  dint  of  persuasion  and  encouragement  the 
royal  officials  at  length  discovered  the  true  objec- 


134  Isabel  of  Castile 

tion  to  their  mission.  The  Procuradores  could 
remember  the  visits  of  previous  officials  who  had 
undertaken  a  Hke  work.  Either  they  had  proved 
worse  rogues  than  those  they  came  to  punish,  or 
else  they  had  found  their  means  of  justice  totally 
insufficient  and  had  fled,  leaving  the  men  who 
had  supported  them  to  face  the  rebels'  vengeance. 
Not  till  the  newcomers  had  taken  a  solemn  oath 
that  they  would  never  desert  the  province  imtil 
they  had  established  peace  and  order  there,  would 
those  who  listened  agree  to  give  them  aid. 

With  this  mutual  understanding  a  strange  day 
dawned  for  Galicia.  Here  were  a  governor  and 
corregidor  established  in  Santiago,  just  and 
incorruptible,  who  enforced  their  sentences  with 
a  swift  certainty  that  struck  terror  into  the  most 
hardened  bravado.  Fired  by  this  example  the 
Procuradores,  when  they  went  to  their  own  homes, 
adopted  like  measures,  and  within  three  months 
over  1500  robbers  had  been  driven  from  the  pro- 
vince to  seek  fresh  fields  of  plimder.  Many  of  the 
leaders  were  dead.  They  had  been  unable  to 
believe  that  money  would  not  save  their  lives 
when  captured,  and  eagerly  but  in  vain  had  made 
offers  of  their  ill-gotten  riches. 

Royal  agents,  both  in  Galicia  and  other  parts  of 
Castile,  might  have  proved  more  susceptible  to 


Organization  and  Reform         135 

bribery  but  for  the  example  set  by  the  Queen  her- 
self, whose  path  of  justice  was  not  without  its 
temptations.  On  one  occasion,  when  in  Medina 
del  Campo,  a  poor  woman  threw  herself  at  her 
feet  and  begged  for  assistance  and  protection. 
Her  husband,  who  was  a  notary,  had  disappeared 
and  she  felt  certain  he  was  the  victim  of  some 
cruel  plot.  Isabel  commanded  her  officials  to 
make  instant  enquiry,  and  the  body  of  the  notary 
was  discovered,  buried  in  the  courtyard  of  a  certain 
wealthy  noble  of  the  neighbourhood,  called  Alvar 
Yafiez.  At  the  trial  it  was  proved  that  Yafiez 
had  first  induced  his  victim  to  sign  a  forged  docu- 
ment, by  which  he  himself  hoped  to  gain  possession 
of  a  neighbour's  property,  and  that  he  had  then 
murdered  his  witness,  never  expecting  that  anyone 
would  dare  to  lay  the  accusation  at  his  door,  far 
less  that  he  would  be  punished  if  discovered. 

On  account  of  his  wealth  he  still  hoped  to  save 
his  life,  and  cunningly  offered,  in  return  for  a 
pardon,  the  enormous  sum  of  40,000  ducats  to 
go  towards  the  expenses  of  a  war  against  the 
Infidel.  This  was  a  project  that  Isabel  was  known 
to  have  much  at  heart;  and,  since  its  main  hin- 
drance had  been  the  poverty  of  the  royal  exchequer 
not  a  few  of  her  counsellors  urged  her  to  let  such 
a  pious  gift  atone  for  the  crime. 


136  Isabel  of  Castile 

"The  Queen,"  we  are  told,  "preferred  justice 
to  money";  and  Alvar  Yanez  was  beheaded. 
Even  then  she  might,  on  some  specious  pretext, 
have  seized  the  guilty  man's  possessions;  but 
instead  she  commanded  that  the  inheritance 
should  go  to  his  sons,  so  that  all  might  recognize 
her  object  in  maintaining  the  sentence  had  not 
been  to  enrich  herself  but  to  punish  evil. 

Other  instances  of  her  rigorous  justice  there  are 
many,  but  none  more  characteristic  than  her 
famous  "Audiences"  in  Seville.  Thither  she  had 
gone  in  the  spring  of  1477  to  supervise  the  pacifica- 
tion of  Southern  Spain;  while  Ferdinand  in  the 
north  kept  watch  over  the  Portuguese  army  and 
the  chronic  disturbances  on  the  Pyrenean  border. 

The  Duke  of  Medina-Sidonia,  riding  out  from 
the  city  to  meet  her  with  the  four-and-twenty 
gaily  clad  nobles  of  his  suite  and  a  throng  of  royal 
officials  and  clergy,  tended  her  with  complacent 
homage  the  keys  of  the  different  gates.  Was  he 
not  lord  of  the  city?  "Duke  of  Seville"  he  was 
popularly  called,  since  he  had  succeeded  in  driving 
his  rival,  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz,  beyond  the  walls. 
The  Marquis,  it  is  true,  had  retaliated  by  seizing 
the  strong  fortress  of  Xerez;  but  the  Duke  now 
meant  to  recover  this  through  the  Queen's  influ- 
ence and  favour.     By  good  fortune  his  rival  had 


Organization  and  Reform         137 

married  a  sister  of  that  arch-rebel  the  Marquis 
of  Villena,  and  chastisement  of  the  brother-in- 
law  could  therefore,  he  hoped,  be  looked  on  as 
a  piece  of  disinterested  patriotism. 

It  was  in  this  spirit  the  Duke  had  chosen  to 
regard  the  faction  fights  that  had  decimated  the 
population  of  Seville  and  forced  many  of  its  leading 
citizens  into  exile.  Not  so  those,  whose  fathers, 
husbands,  sons,  and  brothers  had  died  fighting 
in  sheer  self-defence,  their  backs  against  the  very- 
houses  now  hung  with  tapestries  and  brocades! 
Not  so  those,  whose  wives  and  daughters  had  been 
the  prey  of  dissolute  mercenaries!  Not  so  those, 
who  had  been  dispossessed  of  their  lands,  or  whose 
shops  had  been  raided  and  sacked ! 

It  was  the  cry  of  such  as  these  that  made  Isabel 
hold  public  audience  every  Friday,  that  the 
injured  might  bring  her  their  complaints.  Raised 
high  on  a  dais  in  the  large  hall  of  the  Alcazar, 
with  the  prelates  and  knights  below  her  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  Doctors  of  her  Council  on  the 
other,  she  listened,  weighed  evidence,  and  gave 
judgment,  referring  the  more  doubtful  cases  for 
enquiry  by  special  "Alcaldes,"  with  the  injunction 
that  there  should  be  no  delay.  As  a  result 
hundreds  of  criminals  were  executed,  and  lands 
and  goods  were  restored  to  their  rightful  owners; 


138  Isabel  of  Castile 

while  in  some  instances  so  strong  was  the  fear 
aroused  that  voluntary  restitution  was  made,  in 
the  hope  of  avoiding  a  trial. 

It  is  characteristic  of  Isabel  that  the  ever- 
increasing  revelation  of  crime  failed  to  shake  her 
purpose.  It  was  her  will,  as  "the  fountain  of  jus- 
tice," to  see  justice  prevail;  and  through  all  the 
long  hours  of  accusation  and  defence,  through  case 
after  case,  she  and  her  fellow- judges  listened  with 
a  grave  impartiality  that  won  for  her  tribunal  a 
respect  bordering  on  the  horror  accorded  to  the 
superhuman.  If  there  was  to  be  nothing  but 
strict  justice,  who  in  Seville  should  be  saved? 

At  length  the  Bishop  of  the  city  and  its  leading 
citizens  ventured  to  remonstrate.  The  number 
of  murders  and  robberies  committed  had  been  so 
great,  they  declared,  that  scarcely  a  family  could 
call  itself  guiltless;  and  they  petitioned  that  an 
amnesty  might  be  granted,  lest  the  people  in 
despair  were  driven  to  fresh  crime. 

A  ruler  of  more  obstinate  fibre  would  have 
contended  with  pitiless  logic  that  justice  being 
equivalent  to  right  could  never  prove  excessive. 
Isabel  had  too  much  inherent  common-sense  to 
make  this  mistake;  and,  realizing  that  the  advice 
was  good,  she  consented  to  the  publication  of  a 
general  pardon  for  the  city  and  its  environs,  that 


Organization  and  Reform         139 

should  cover  all  crimes  and  offences  with  one 
exception,  the  unpardonable  sin  of  heresy. 

Seville  at  large  heaved  a  sigh  of  relief;  but  the 
Duke  of  Medina-Sidonia,  at  this  stage  of  the 
proceedings,  was  not  so  pleased.  He  had  been 
steadily  poisoning  Isabel's  mind  against  his  rival 
since  her  advent  to  the  city,  accusing  him  of  giving 
secret  support  to  some  fortresses  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood that  still  upheld  the  claims  of  "La 
Beltraneja. "  Nothing  but  force,  he  protested, 
would  succeed  against  such  a  traitor;  but  in  the 
midst  of  his  denunciations  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz 
appeared  in  Seville,  accompanied  only  by  a  few 
attendants.  Riding  to  the  Alcazar,  he  petitioned 
for  a  private  audience  with  the  Queen,  and  there 
pleaded  his  cause  with  a  brevity  and  directness 
that  appealed  to  his  listener  more  than  the  most 
subtle  arguments.  Plain-speaking  was  almost  a 
virtue  to  Isabel's  mind. 

Declaring  that  individuals  were  responsible  for 
their  own  conduct  alone,  he  repudiated  any  con- 
nection with  Villena  save  the  tie  of  marriage  with 
his  sister.  His  sword  had  been  drawn  in  self- 
defence  when  the  Duke  attacked  him  in  his  house 
and  drove  him  from  the  city;  but  he  had  neither 
the  time  nor  inclination  to  help  the  Portuguese. 
In  token  of  his  loyalty  he  offered  to  hand  over 


140  Isabel  of  Castile 

Xerez  and  the  other  fortresses  in  his  power  to 
whatever  officials  Isabel  chose  to  send  in  her 
name. 

Such  a  complete  surrender  bears  witness  to 
the  impression  already  created  in  Castile  by  the 
new  sovereigns.  It  was  the  certainty  that  he 
would  obtain  justice  that  had  brought  the  Mar- 
quis of  Cadiz  so  trustingly  to  Seville.  It  was 
fear  of  what  disobedience  might  cost  him  that 
made  the  Duke  of  Medina-Sidonia  submit  to  his 
enemy's  return  to  favour.  The  Queen  on  her  part 
accepted  their  compliance  as  if  she  thought  it  the 
only  possible  course  they  could  have  adopted; 
but  she  knew  their  rivalry  still  smouldered,  and, 
having  gained  control  of  their  fortresses,  took  steps 
to  prevent  further  trouble.  Neither  Duke  nor 
Marquis,  she  declared,  should  put  foot  in  Seville 
henceforth  without  her  leave;  though  she  and 
Ferdinand  gave  their  promise  that  they  would 
enquire  into  the  quarrel  when  leisure  permitted, 
and  would  see  what  could  be  done  to  effect  a 
settlement,  that  both  might  return  to  the  city  in 
safety.  Circumstances,  however,  were  to  make 
this  interposition  unnecessary,  as  will  be  seen  in 
a  later  chapter. 

The  justice  shown  in  Galicia  and  Seville  was 
typical  of  the  measures  adopted  elsewhere;  meas- 


Organization  and  Reform         141 

ures  so  widespread  that  the  old  machinery  of 
government  proved  totally  inadequate  for  their 
execution.  Reconstruction  went  perforce  hand  in 
hand  with  reform;  and,  just  as  in  the  Cortes  of 
Madrigal  and  Duefias  the  Santa  Hermandad  had 
been  placed  on  a  new  and  more  practical  basis,  so 
in  the  Cortes  of  Toledo  of  1480  the  whole  executive 
and  judicial  system  was  subjected  to  a  close 
revision. 

Amongst  the  changes  effected,  none  was  to 
prove  of  more  lasting  influence  than  the  decided 
bias  there  given  towards  the  employment  of  the 
lawyer  class  in  all  important  matters  of  state. 
Sprung  mainly  from  the  bourgeoisie,  or  from  the 
ranks  of  the  lesser  nobility,  the  lawyers  had  for  a 
long  time  rendered  to  Castilian  sovereigns  their 
services  of  penmanship  and  technical  knowledge; 
but  the  preponderating  power  in  the  royal  counsels 
had  remained  the  higher  aristocracy  with  its  claims 
of  blood  and  wealth. 

Ferdinand  and  Isabel  did  not  set  themselves 
openly  to  humble  the  latter  class,  as  Henry  IV. 
had  attempted  in  his  new  creations;  but  the  fact 
that  the  government  was  daily  growing  more 
specialized  made  it  necessary  that  trained  and 
expert  officials  should  take  the  place  of  amateurs, 
however  high  their  personal  qualifications.     Thus, 


142  Isabel  of  Castile 

in  the  Cortes  of  Toledo,  the  composition  of  the 
Royal  Council,  before  mainly  aristocratic,  was 
officially  settled  as  one  bishop,  three  "cabal- 
leros,"  or  knights,  and  eight  or  nine  lawyers. 
This  does  not  mean  that  the  greater  nobles  sud- 
denly received  an  intimation  that  their  presence 
was  no  longer  required.  They  were  welcomed  as 
before  with  profound  respect  •  but  the  feeling  that 
it  rested  with  themselves  whether  they  attended 
or  no  would  soon  encourage  the  less  strenuous 
to  withdraw.  A  further  impetus  to  their  exclu- 
sion would  be  given  by  the  division  of  the  govern- 
ment into  the  specialized  departments  described 
by  Hernando  de  Pulgar  in  his  account  of  the 
Cortes  of  Toledo. 

Hitherto  the  Royal  Council,  "  Nuestro  Consejo  " 
as  the  sovereigns  were  fond  of  alluding  to  it,  had 
been  the  chief  medium  of  their  will.  At  times  a 
consultative  committee,  its  functions  were  also 
administrative  and  judicial;  and,  in  the  latter 
aspect,  it  had  tended  to  absorb  much  of  the  work 
belonging  to  the  other  Courts  of  Law,  such  as 
the  "Royal  Audiences"  or  "Chancery"  for  civil 
cases,  and  the  supreme  criminal  court  of  the 
"Alcaldes  de  Corte." 

In  response  to  the  deputies'  petitions,  the  en- 
croachments of  the  Royal  Council  in  this  respect 


Organization  and  Reform         143 

were  forbidden;  while  a  scheme  was  discussed  by 
which  the  Court  of  Chancery,  which  had  followed 
the  sovereigns  from  place  to  place  to  the  great 
inconvenience  of  litigants,  was  in  1485  permanently 
established  in  Valladolid  for  the  benefit  of  Northern 
Castile.  Another  similar  court  was  also  placed 
in  Ciudad  Real  to  supply  the  needs  of  the  country 
south  of  the  Tagus,  being  removed  however  at 
the  end  of  the  Moorish  war  to  the  more  important 
town  of  Granada. 

At  first  sight  it  would  seem  from  these  measures 
as  if  the  judicial  functions  of  the  Royal  Council 
had  been  destroyed,  whereas  on  the  contrary 
they  were  to  develop  an  authority,  that  not  only 
threatened  but  dominated  the  "Audiences"  of 
Valladolid  and  the  South.  Of  the  five  depart- 
ments of  government  defined  by  the  Cortes  of 
Toledo,  it  was  in  the  Cotincil  of  Justice  that  the 
true  nucleus  of  the  Royal  Council,  their  common 
ancestor,  remained.  Here  sat  the  King  and  Queen 
in  person,  the  recognized  soiirce  of  all  Castilian 
law;  here,  in  their  absence,  ruled  a  President, 
whose  authority  was  reckoned  in  the  kingdom  as 
second  only  to  that  of  Sovereignty  itself;  here 
was  a  body  of  highly  trained  lawyers,  whose  of- 
ficial acts  demanded  the  unqualified  obedience  of 
every  subject,  and  whose  decisions  on  legal  matters 


144  Isabel  of  Castile 

were  final.  It  is  little  wonder  if  the  Council  of 
Justice  became  the  dominating  element  of  the 
Castilian  Government. 

The  Council  of  State,  the  second  of  the  new 
departments  for  public  affairs,  was  also  presided 
over  by  the  King  and  Queen,  but  it  dealt  mainly 
with  foreign  negotiations,  hearing  embassies  and 
transacting  business  with  the  Court  of  Rome. 
In  addition  there  was  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  Santa  Hermandad,  a  Council  of  Finance, 
and  a  Council  for  settling  purely  Aragonese 
matters. 

A  link  between  these  central  councils  and  the 
local  government  of  the  country  was  found  in 
"  pesquisidores,"  or  inspectors,  sent  out  from  head- 
quarters to  enquire  how  the  law  was  being  admin- 
istered and  obeyed.  Were  the  repressive  measures 
against  the  Jews  sternly  enforced  ?  Were  the '  *  cor- 
regidores,"  now  in  1480  imposed  by  royal  author- 
ity on  all  cities  and  towns,  doing  their  duty  both 
by  the  Crown  and  also  by  the  municipalities  in 
which  they  were  placed?  Had  any  governor  of  a 
fortress  or  other  official  oppressed  the  people  in 
his  neighbourhood,  or  for  his  own  ends  shown 
favouritism  to  certain  families?  These  were 
some  of  the  questions  to  which  the  inspector  must 
require  an  answer,  and  where  those  answers  were 


Organization  and  Reform         145 

unsatisfactory  it  rested  with  him  to  see  justice 
performed. 

Such  was  the  revised  machinery  of  government, 
reveaHng  already  that  decisively  bureaucratic 
stamp  that  was  to  be  so  marked  a  feature  of  its 
later  development.  Obvious  also  was  its  fatal 
dependence  on  the  Crown,  the  motive  power  alone 
capable  of  supplying  the  councils  with  initiative, 
nor  could  any  coimterpoise  to  sovereignty  be  hoped 
for  in  the  type  of  official  now  prominent.  The 
exaltation  of  the  Crown  was  the  first  article  of 
belief  for  lawyers  steeped  in  Justinian's  code 
with  its  theories  of  imperial  absolutism.  Yet 
it  must  be  remembered  that,  although  this  sys- 
tem contained  within  itself  the  germs  of  tyranny, 
in  the  early  days  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabel's 
rule  centralized  power  stood  for  the  triumph 
of  right  over  wrong,  of  order  over  anarchy. 
By  no  other  means  could  these  ends  have 
been  so  effectively  and  speedily  won.  "Justice, 
which  seems  to  have  abandoned  other  lands," 
wrote  Peter  Martyr  in  1492,  "pervades  these 
kingdoms." 

It  had  been  bought  by  the  sovereigns  at  the 
price  of  unflagging  industry  and  watchfulness,  now 
employed  in  a  struggle  against  foreign  enemies  or 
subject  rebels,  now  against  the  prejudices  of  class 


146  Isabel  of  Castile 

or  community,  now  against  the  corruption  of 
trusted  officials. 

Sometimes  the  chief  enemy  to  be  faced  was 
bewilderment, — the  difficulty  of  administering  a 
law  that  was  not  one  but  many.  The  judge  must 
have  a  clear  head  who  could  steer  his  way  through 
the  mazes  of  the  old  "Fuero  Juzgo"  of  the  Gothic 
kings,  or  the  later  compilations  of  Castilian  sover- 
eigns, such  as  the  "Fuero  Real,"  the  "Siete 
Partidas, "  or  the  "  Ordenamiento  de  Alcala." 
Even  these  did  not  cover  the  field  of  legislation, 
further  complicated  by  local  charters  and  royal 
edicts,  involving  a  thousand  variations  and 
discrepancies. 

After  the  matter  had  been  discussed  in  the 
Cortes  of  Toledo,  a  noted  jurist,  Alfonso  Diaz 
de  Montalvo,  undertook  by  the  Queen's  command 
the  task  of  clearing  away  the  rubbish  and  compil- 
ing what  remained  into  a  comprehensive  code. 
Within  iouT  years  the  work  stood  completed 
in  eight  bulky  volumes,  and  the  "Ordenanzas 
Reales"  took  their  place  on  the  legal  bookshelves; 
but  though  undoubtedly  of  great  authority  the 
new  compilation  failed  to  fulfil  the  general  ex- 
pectations. A  study  of  its  pages  revealed  not  only 
mistakes  and  repetitions,  but  also  many  serious 
omissions;  while  a  further  publication  by  the  same 


Organization  and  Reform         147 

author  a  few  years  later  scarcely  proved  more 
satisfactory.  So  conscious  was  Isabel  of  these 
defects  that  in  her  will  she  entreated  her  daughter, 
Joanna,  "to  select  a  learned  and  conscientious 
bishop  and  other  persons  wise  and  experienced  in 
the  law, "  that  they  might  undertake  this  formid- 
able task  anew. 

Legal,  judicial,  and  administrative  abuses  had 
thus  received  their  share  of  amendment;  but  it 
is  scarcely  too  much  to  say  that  all  the  reforms  in 
these  directions  would  have  proved  useless,  but 
for  the  steps  taken  to  check  financial  disaster. 
That  commerce  and  industry  should  have  sunk 
to  a  low  ebb  was  the  inevitable  corollary  of  a  for- 
eign and  civil  war,  but  still  more  evil  in  its  influence 
had  been  the  steady  depreciation  of  the  coinage. 
Not  only  had  the  five  royal  mints  turned  out  bad 
metal  to  supply  Henry  IV.  with  the  money  which 
he  squandered  so  lavishly,  but  his  very  monopoly 
of  coining  rights  had  been  squandered  too,  or  dis- 
puted by  rebellious  subjects.  By  the  end  of  his 
reign  the  five  mints  had  grown  into  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  and  the  reals  and  blancas  produced  by 
private  furnaces  had  descended  to  a  mere  fraction 
of  their  former  value. 

The  decay  of  industry  and  the  worthless  coinage 
combined  to  inflate  prices  extravagantly,  with  the 


148  Isabel  of  Castile 

result  that  men  of  moderate  means  were  ruined, 
and  the  distrust  increased  till  no  one  would 
accept  the  current  issues  either  in  payment  of  debts 
or  in  return  for  goods. 

Such  was  the  state  of  perdition  into  which  the  king- 
dom had  fallen  [says  a  contemporary  writer],  that 
those  who  travelled  by  the  highways  could  not  satisfy 
their  hunger  either  for  good  money  or  for  bad;  nor 
was  there  any  price  at  which  those  who  laboured 
in  the  fields  were  willing  to  sell. 

A  primitive  system  of  barter  had  sprung  up 
when,  in  the  first  year  of  their  reign,  Ferdinand  and 
Isabel  once  more  established  the  monopoly  of  the 
royal  mints,  and  fixed  a  legal  standard  to  which  the 
coinage  must  approximate.  These  reforms  were 
absolutely  necessary  to  restore  public  confidence, 
but  they  involved  a  drain  on  the  treasury  which  it 
was  impossible  to  satisfy  by  ordinary  means.  We 
have  seen  already  that  in  1475  the  sovereigns 
had  recourse  to  a  loan  raised  on  the  ecclesiastical 
plate,  but  it  was  an  expedient  that  would  not  bear 
repetition,  even  if  the  Queen  had  not  regarded  the 
repayment  of  the  original  sum  as  her  most  sacred 
duty.  Some  other  way  must  be  found  that  would 
not  threaten  the  property  of  the  Church,  if  it  was 
to  find  approval  in  her  eyes. 

The  deputies  assembled  at  Toledo  shook  their 


Organization  and  Reform         149 

heads  gloomily  over  the  suggestion  of  increased 
taxation.  They  represented  the  pecheros,  or 
taxed  classes,  and  knew  that  the  little  that  could 
be  raised  by  this  method  would  slip  in  and  out  of 
the  treasury  as  through  a  sieve.  Taxation  might 
prove  a  momentary  makeshift,  but  in  the  ex- 
hausted state  of  the  country  it  could  offer  no 
permanent  solution  of  the  problem. 

On  examination,  the  chief  cause  of  the  poverty 
was  shown  to  be  the  wholesale  alienation  of  royal 
estates  in  the  previous  reign.  Henry  IV.  had 
silenced  the  remonstrances  of  his  treasurer  by 
announcing  that  prodigality  was  a  king's  duty. 
"Give  to  some,"  he  commanded,  "that  they  may 
serve  me;  to  others  lest  they  should  rob  me;  for 
by  the  grace  of  God  I  am  King  and  have  treasures 
and  rents  enough  to  supply  all  men." 

It  was  a  boast  that  did  not  hold  good,  for  to- 
wards the  end  of  his  reign  the  wretched  monarch 
had  been  driven  to  meet  expenses  by  selling 
annuities  levied  on  his  estates;  and  the  Court, 
taking  advantage  of  his  necessities  as  it  had  of  his 
generosity,  beat  down  the  price  till  the  sums  they 
paid  often  represented  no  more  than  a  single  year's 
income.  Such  transactions  were  not  far  removed 
from  robbery ;  and  the  Cortes  of  Toledo  soon  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  only  hope  of  lasting  fi- 


150  Isabel  of  Castile 

nancial  reform  lay  in  a  resumption  of  the  alienated 
lands  and  rents. 

This  decision  was  warmly  approved  by  the 
Cardinal  of  Spain,  the  leading  nobles  of  the  Court, 
and  Doctors  of  the  Royal  Council;  but  Ferdinand 
and  Isabel  were  reluctant  to  take  so  large  a  step 
without  further  consultation. 

And  because  this  business  was  difficult  and  of  great 
importance  [says  Hernando  de  Pulgar]  the  King  and 
Queen  wrote  letters  to  all  the  dukes,  prelates,  and 
barons  of  their  kingdom,  who  were  absent  from  their 
Court,  telling  them  of  their  great  necessities  and  asking 
their  opinion,  pressing  them  either  to  come  themselves 
or  to  send  word  what  thej'  thought  should  be  done; 
and  all  were  of  opinion  that  the  alienated  estates 
should  be  restored. 

It  was  a  resolution  that  reflected  credit  on  a 
class  of  men  who  had  too  often  shown  themselves 
selfish  and  disloyal.  Many,  however,  like  the 
Count  of  Haro  who  threw  open  his  lands  to  the 
Santa  Hermandad,  were  weary  of  anarchy  and 
knew  they  must  pay  for  its  suppression.  Others 
were  fired  by  the  energy  and  courage  of  their  rulers, 
or  else  hoped  to  propitiate  royal  favour.  Loyalty, 
so  long  dormant,  was  in  the  air. 

By  general  consent  it  was  agreed  that  the  Cardi- 
nal of  Spain  should  hold  an  enquiry  into  the  tenure 


Organization  and  Reform         151 

of  estates  and  rents  acquired  during  the  last  reign. 
Those  that  had  not  been  granted  as  a  reward  for 
signal  services  were  to  be  restored  without  com- 
pensation; while  those  that  had  been  sold  at  a 
price  far  below  their  real  value  were  to  be  bought 
back  at  the  same  sum.  The  delicate  work  of 
apportioning  these  deductions  was  entrusted  to 
Isabel's  confessor,  Fra  Fernando  de  Talavera,  a 
man  respected  throughout  Spain  for  his  integrity 
and  saintly  life. 

His  settlement  cost  some  of  the  nobles  the  half 
or  even  the  whole  of  their  acquisitions,  others  some 
smaller  fraction;  but  by  Isabel's  command  there 
was  no  revocation  of  gifts  made  to  churches, 
hospitals,  or  the  poor.  The  treasury  became  the 
richer  by  the  substantial  addition  of  thirty  millions 
of  maravedis,  of  which  Henry  IV. 's  old  favourite, 
Beltran  de  La  Cueva,  Duke  of  Alburquerque,  con- 
tributed over  a  million.  The  rest  of  the  leading 
nobles  suffered  heavily  though  in  a  less  degree,  nor 
was  the  Cardinal's  own  family,  the  Mendozas, 
spared.  "  Some  were  ill-content,  "  says  the  chron- 
icler, "but  all  submitted,  remembering  how  these 
gifts  had  been  obtained  at  the  expense  of  the  royal 
patrimony." 

In  spite  of  their  losses  the  nobles  still  remained 
the  predominant  class  in  wealth,  as  the  tales  of 


152  Isabel  of  Castile 

their  private  resources  during  the  Moorish  war 
bear  witness.  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  themselves 
did  not  hesitate  to  bestow  large  gifts  on  loyal 
servants  such  as  the  Marquis  of  Moya,  nor  to 
confirm  the  aristocratic  privilege  of  freedom 
from  taxation;  but  the  fact  that  they  were  able 
to  curb  unlawful  gains  shows  the  new  spirit  that 
had  entered  into  Castilian  life.  Significant  also 
is  the  social  legislation  of  the  day  that  forbade 
even  dukes  to  quarter  the  royal  crown  on  their 
scutcheons,  or  to  make  use  of  expressions  such  as 
es  mi  merced!  "It  is  my  will!" 

The  sovereign  had  ceased  to  be  primus  inter 
pares  and  had  become  a  being  set  apart  by  right 
of  peculiar  dignity  and  power. 

Such  a  change  would  have  been  impossible, 
had  the  Military  Orders  retained  their  old  inde- 
pendence. They  have  been  described  as  "states 
within  a  state";  for  the  Masters  with  their  rich 
"  commanderies "  that  they  could  bestow  at 
pleasure,  their  fortresses  and  revenues,  and  their 
private  armies  of  knights  had  influence  and 
wealth  nothing  less  than  royal.  The  elective 
character  of  their  office  led  almost  invariably 
to  civil  war;  and  we  have  seen  that,  in  the  case 
of  the  Mastership  of  Santiago,  when  the  old 
Marquis  of  Villena    died,    no    less    than    seven 


Organization  and  Reform         153 

candidates  appeared  in  the  field,  ready  to  contest 
the  honour. 

One  of  these,  the  aged  Count  of  Paredes,  had 
obtained  confirmation  of  his  title  many  years 
before  from  Pope  Eugenius  IV.,  but  had  always 
been  cheated  out  of  its  enjoyment  by  the  greed 
of  royal  favourites.  In  1476  he  died,  and  the  Chief 
Commander  of  Leon,  Don  Alonso  de  Cardenas, 
having  mustered  as  large  an  armed  force  as  possible 
hastened  at  once  to  the  Convent  of  Uccles,  where 
the  election  was  to  be  held,  to  press  his  claims  on 
the  chapter.  He  had  been  one  of  Isabel's  most 
loyal  adherents  and  took  her  sanction  for  granted ; 
but  unfortunately  for  his  hopes  she  proved  to  have 
very  different  views. 

Directly  she  heard  of  his  designs,  she  wrote  to 
the  Pope  begging  that  the  administration  of  the 
Order  might  be  given  into  her  husband's  hands. 
Then,  having  dispatched  the  messenger,  she 
mounted  her  horse  and  set  off  at  once  from  Valla- 
dolid,  where  she  was  staying.  It  was  a  three  days' 
journey  to  Ocafia,  and  when  she  reached  that  town 
it  was  already  nightfall,  and  the  rain  was  descend- 
ing in  torrents,  but  she  refused  to  wait.  Con- 
tinuing her  road  to  Uccles,  she  appeared  before 
the  astonished  commanders  and  told  them  of  the 
request  she  had  sent  to  the  Pope,  begging  them  to 


154  Isabel  of  Castile 

suspend  the  election  until  she  had  received  an 
answer.  Don  Alonso  de  Cardenas  was  not  un- 
naturally sulky  at  this  frustration  of  his  ambitions ; 
but  on  Isabel's  promise  that  she  would  faithfully 
consider  his  claims,  he  at  length  agreed  to  with- 
draw them  temporarily,  and  the  King  in  due  course 
received  the  administration  of  the  Order. 

Alonso  de  Cardenas  now  redoubled  his  efforts 
to  prove  his  loyalty;  and  Ferdinand  and  Isabel 
at  last  consented  to  give  him  his  long-coveted 
honour;  but  they  took  care  to  make  a  favour 
of  what  he  had  sought  as  a  right.  Each  year  he 
paid  three  millions  of  maravedis  into  the  royal 
treasury  to  be  used  for  the  defence  of  the  frontier 
against  the  Moors,  and  on  his  death  his  office 
lapsed  finally  to  the  Crown. 

During  the  course  of  the  reign,  Ferdinand  also 
assumed  the  administration  of  the  other  two  Orders 
of  Calatrava  and  Alcantara,  and  thus  found 
himself  possessed  not  only  of  vastly  increased 
revenues,  but  of  a  widely  extended  patronage. 

The  absorption  of  the  Military  Orders  marked 
the  decisive  victory  in  the  sovereigns'  war  against 
aristocratic  pretensions;  but  the  campaign  had 
other  battles  no  less  serious,  though  they  did  not 
involve  such  important  financial  considerations. 
If  it  had  been  a  difficult  matter  to  impress  the 


Organization  and  Reform         155 

idea  of  justice  on  the  country  at  large,  it  was 
equally  arduous  to  persuade  the  leading  families 
of  Castile  that  they  also  stood  below  the  law 
and  were  expected  to  obey  it. 

They  might  surrender  estates  wrongly  acquired, 
and  even  sink  their  ambitions  before  the  claims  of 
royalty,  but  to  admit  of  arbitration  in  their  pri- 
vate feuds,  instead  of  dealing  with  them  by  the 
old-fashioned  method  of  duel  or  assassination,  was 
a  tax  on  their  self-control  too  great  for  Castilian 
pride. 

On  one  occasion,  when  Queen  Isabel  was  in 
Valladolid,  high  words  broke  out  between  Don 
Fadrique  Enriquez,  son  of  Ferdinand's  uncle  the 
Admiral  of  Castile  and  a  certain  Ramir  Nunez 
de  Guzman,  Lord  of  Toral.  In  spite  of  the  fact 
that  his  enemy  had  received  a  safe-conduct  from 
the  Queen,  Don  Fadrique  attacked  him  in  a  public 
square,  striking  him  several  times.  Isabel's  indig- 
nation was  unbounded,  and  she  at  once  rode  to 
Simancas,  whose  fortress  belonged  to  the  Admiral, 
demanding  either  its  instant  surrender  or  that  of 
his  son.  The  Admiral,  faced  by  this  plain  issue, 
dared  not  disobey;  and,  since  he  was  ignorant  of 
his  son's  hiding-place  he  gave  up  the  keys  of  his 
stronghold.  Isabel  then  returned  to  Valladolid, 
but  her  anger  was  unappeased;   and  when  ques- 


156  Isabel  of  Castile 

tioned  as  to  its  cause  she  replied:  "I  am  suffering 
from  the  blows  that  Don  Fadrique  hath  struck  at 
my  safe-conduct." 

Not  till  the  offender  appeared  himself  at  Court 
to  sue  for  pardon  would  she  relax  her  coldness  to 
his  family;  and  even  then  she  refused  to  see  him, 
but  ordered  that  he  should  be  led  a  prisoner 
through  the  streets  and  thence  to  a  fortress  at 
Arevalo.  Here  he  remained  in  close  confinement, 
until  at  his  relations'  intercession  he  was  instead 
exiled  to  Sicily,  there  to  remain  at  the  Queen's 
pleasure. 

His  enemy,  Ramir  Nufiez  de  Guzman,  refusing  to 
take  warning  from  his  rival's  fate,  attempted  to 
assassinate  the  Admiral  in  revenge  for  the  attack 
made  on  himself,  as  soon  as  he  had  recovered  from 
his  wounds;  with  the  result  that  he  was  brought 
before  the  royal  judges  and  deprived  of  all  his 
goods  and  revenues. 

Such  stem  but  impartial  justice  was  of  the  type 
to  inspire  awe,  but  severity  alone  might  have 
defeated  its  own  ends.  The  chivalry  of  Castile 
had  been  fostered  from  its  cradle  in  scenes  of  war 
and  carnage.  It  could  not  cool  its  hot  blood 
suddenly  to  accept  the  discipline  of  what  it 
regarded  as  inglorious  peace.  Some  outlet  must 
be  found  for  the  wild  strain  that  looked  to  the 


Organization  and  Reform         157 

rapier  and  the  dagger  rather  than  to  books  or 
arguments.  That  outlet  the  sovereigns  provided, 
when  they  took  up  the  challenge  of  the  Moorish 
Sultan,  and  began  again  the  old  crusade,  that  was 
the  heritage  of  eight  hundred  years. 

"  Master,  God  give  you  good  fortune  against  the 
Moors,  the  enemies  of  Our  Holy  Catholic  Faith." 
With  these  words  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  had  handed 
to  the  new  Master  of  Santiago  his  standards, 
when  they  gave  him  the  insignia  of  his  Order  at 
the  Cortes  of  Toledo  in  1480.  Little  over  twelve 
months  was  to  find  those  standards  in  the  battle- 
field, and  the  nobihty  of  Spain  risking  its  life, 
not  in  private  brawl  nor  a  vain  struggle  with  the 
law,  but  against  the  enemies  of  its  Queen  and 
Faith. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  MOORISH  WAR 
I481-I483 

"  A  PEOPLE  that  for  generations  had  lived  to 
**  fight."  This  summary  of  the  Castilian  race 
explains  the  fervour  of  enthusiasm  with  which  the 
project  of  renewed  war  against  Granada  was 
greeted.  Other  nations,  similarly  exhausted  by 
misgovemment  and  internal  strife,  might  have 
welcomed  a  period  of  peace,  which  would  enable 
them  to  pursue  industry  and  commerce  undis- 
turbed ;  but  neither  Isabel  nor  her  subjects  regarded 
the  matter  in  this  light. 

To  them,  the  establishment  of  justice  and  order 
and  the  restoration  of  the  royal  finances  were  but 
a  prelude  to  the  great  crusade,  that  every  Castilian 
king  inherited  from  his  ancestors.  It  was  a  duty 
no  true  son  of  the  Church  would  dare  to  neglect; 
and  even  the  sluggish  Henry  IV.  had  made  a 
pretence  of  raising  the  Christian  banners.     No 

158 


[1481-1483]       The  Moorish  War  159 

less  than  three  incursions  into  Moorish  territory 
had  been  organized  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign; 
though  by  royal  orders  the  army  confined  its 
attention  to  a  work  of  pillage  and  robbery  amongst 
the  villages  scattered  over  the  fruitful  "Vega." 

"The  King  was  pitiful  and  not  cruel,"  says 
Enriquez  del  Castillo  in  excuse.  "He  said  that 
life  has  no  price  nor  equivalent  .  .  .  and  thus  it 
did  not  please  him  that  his  men  should  take  part 
in  skirmishes  or  open  battles." 

Such  a  policy  awoke  anger  and  derision  in 
Castilian  hearts,  the  more  so  that  large  quantities 
of  money  had  been  raised  by  means  of  a  bull  of 
indulgence,  especially  granted  by  the  Pope  for 
the  purposes  of  a  holy  crusade.  According  to 
one  of  the  chronicles,  the  sum  realized  was  over  a 
hundred  million  maravedis,  of  which  very  little 
went  to  its  professed  object.  Henry  quickly 
wearied  of  the  display  and  pageantry  that  had 
alone  reconciled  him  to  camp  life;  and  he  had 
neither  the  fanaticism  nor  love  of  glory  that  could 
have  held  him  to  his  task  when  this  outward 
glamour  faded. 

Moreover  he  soon  began  to  suspect  that  his 
worst  enemies  were  amongst  his  own  followers; 
and  the  picked  Moorish  guard  that  he  adopted  for 
his  protection  became  the  scandal  of  all  the  faith- 


i6o  Isabel  of  Castile  [mSi- 

ful.  "He  eats,  drinks,  and  clothes  himself  after 
Moorish  fashion,"  wrote  a  Bohemian  who  visited 
his  Court ;  and  we  have  already  noticed  that  the 
conspirators  of  Burgos  began  their  complaints  by 
censuring  the  open  infidelity  of  those  nearest  to 
the  royal  person.  Orthodoxy  proved  a  convenient 
weapon  for  rebellious  nobles ;  but  it  did  not  prevent 
the  chivalry  of  Murcia  and  Andalusia  from  accept- 
ing the  hospitality  of  the  Sultan  of  Granada,  when , 
they  wished  to  settle  their  private  quarrels 
undisturbed. 

The  kingdom  of  the  Moors  which  had  once 
embraced  the  whole  peninsula,  save  the  mountains 
in  the  north-west,  had  shrunk  to  somewhat  less 
than  two  hundred  leagues ;  but  this  area  comprised 
all  that  was  best  in  soil  and  atmosphere.  In  its 
fertile  valleys  was  ample  pasturage  for  flocks  of 
sheep;  in  the  depths  of  its  mountains,  no  lack  of 
the  ore  and  metals  that  its  furnaces  converted 
with  unrivalled  skill  into  ornaments  and  weapons. 
Its  plains,  protected  from  the  northern  winds  by 
snow-capped  mountain  peaks,  and  preserved  from 
the  ill  effects  of  the  sun  by  a  careful  system  of 
irrigation,  were  covered  with  maize  and  other 
grains,  producing  between  them  a  perpetual 
harvest.  Its  villages  nestled  amidst  vineyards 
and  oHve-groves;  oranges,  citrons,  and  figs  grew  in 


1483I  The  Moorish  War  161 

its  orchards;  here  and  there  were  plantations  of 
mulberry  trees.  The  silk  woven  in  the  looms  of 
Granada  could  stand  comparison  with  the  coveted 
fabrics  of  Bagdad  and  the  Orient,  and  with  Moor- 
ish tissues,  velvets,  and  brocades,  found  ready 
purchasers  in  Venetian  markets,  through  the 
medium  of  thriving  ports  on  the  Mediterranean, 
such  as  Velez- Malaga  and  Almeria. 

By  these  same  ports,  the  rulers  of  Granada 
could  receive  assistance  from  their  Mahometan 
allies  on  the  African  coast,  whether  in  the  shape 
of  provisions  or  of  men,  though  of  the  latter  they 
possessed  sufficient  for  any  ordinary  campaign. 
Not  only  did  the  healthy  climate  and  abundance 
of  food  tend  to  a  natural  increase  of  the  popula- 
tion, but  for  centuries  there  had  been  a  steady 
influx  of  Mahometan  refugees  from  the  provinces 
reconquered  by  the  Spaniards. 

It  has  been  estimated  that  towards  the  end  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  the  population  of  Granada 
was  between  three  or  four  millions,  and  was  capa- 
ble of  sending  into  the  field  a  force  of  8000  horse 
and  25,000  foot.  The  Moors,  whether  supple  Arab 
or  hardy  Berber,  were  as  fine  soldiers  as  they  were 
skilful  artisans  and  traders.  Trained  to  shoot 
from  early  boyhood,  their  archers  had  no  match 
with  the  cross-bow;    while  their   lightly   armed 


i62  Isabel  of  Castile  IhSi- 

cavalry  could  manoeuvre  on  the  wide  plains,  or 
make  their  way  by  narrow  mountain  paths,  to 
the  utter  discomfiture  of  the  crusader  in  his 
heavy  mail. 

These  were  facts  the  Christian  army  was  to 
learn  to  its  cost  during  ten  years  of  unceasing  war. 
They  were  not  unknown  beforehand  to  the  more 
seasoned  warriors;  but  the  peaceful  character  of 
the  old  Sultan  Ismail,  and  his  readiness  to  pay 
the  yearly  tribute  to  Castile  of  20,000  doblas  of 
gold  rather  than  take  advantage  of  Henry  IV. 's 
weakness,  had  aroused  the  latent  scorn  felt  for 
the  Infidel  by  a  hot-headed  younger  generation. 

In  1476,  Aben  Ismail  died;  and  his  successor, 
Muley  Abul  Hacen,  a  chieftain  already  famous 
in  his  own  land  for  various  daring  raids  into 
Christian  territory,  ceased  to  send  the  required 
tribute  to  Castile.  When  the  ambassadors  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabel  came  before  him  to  remon- 
strate, he  replied  haughtily : 

"Go,  tell  your  sovereigns  that  the  kings  of 
Granada,  who  were  wont  to  pay  tribute,  are  dead. 
In  my  kingdom  there  is  no  coin  minted  save 
scimitars  and  iron-tipped  lances." 

The  sovereigns,  who  were  in  Seville  at  the  time 
delivering  justice,  received  his  message  with 
indignation.     "I   will   tear   the   seeds  from   this 


SPANISH    HALBERDIER,     FIFTEENTH    CENTURY 

FROM    "  SPANISH    ARMS   AND  ARMOUR  " 

REPRODUCED   Br  COURTESV  OF   THE  AUTHOR,    MR.    A.    F.    CALVERT 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  163 

pomegranate  one  by  one,"  exclaimed  Ferdinand, 
punning  on  the  meaning  of  the  word  "granada." 
But  he  and  Isabel  were  still  busy  with  the  Por- 
tuguese war  and  the  task  of  restoring  order  in 
Andalusia.  They  therefore  dissembled  their  real 
feelings,  and  consented  to  a  temporary  treaty,  in 
which  there  was  no  mention  of  the  disputed  tri- 
bute; but  they  did  not  cease  from  this  time  to 
redouble  their  preparations  for  the  inevitable 
crusade.  In  the  end  it  was  Muley  Hacen  who  was 
to  set  the  spark  to  the  mine. 

Just  over  the  Andalusian  border,  not  many 
leagues  distant  from  the  Moorish  stronghold  of 
Ronda,  stood  the  fortress  of  Zahara,  which  had 
been  stormed  in  old  days  by  the  King's  grand- 
father and  namesake  "Don  Fernando  de  Ante- 
quera."  Raised  on  a  height,  surmounted  by  a 
fortress,  and  approached  only  by  slippery  moun- 
tain paths,  its  Christian  defenders  believed  it 
almost  impregnable,  and  had  allowed  themselves 
to  grow  careless  in  their  outpost  duty.  One 
night  in  the  year  1481,  when  the  truce  between 
Castile  and  Granada  still  held  good,  a  band  of 
Moors  led  by  Muley  Hacen  himself  drew  near 
under  cover  of  the  darkness.  The  wind  and  rain 
were  blowing  in  a  hurricane  across  the  mountain 
peaks,  but  the  Moors,  heedless  of  its  violence. 


1 64  Isabel  of  Castile  [1481- 

placed  their  ladders  against  the  rocks  above  them, 
and  scaled  the  ill-protected  walls.  Then  they 
poured  into  the  town.  The  sound  of  their  trum- 
pets, as  scimitar  in  hand  they  cleared  the  narrow 
streets,  was  the  first  warning  of  their  presence; 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Zahara  awoke  to  find 
themselves  faced  by  death  or  slavery. 

It  seemed  to  the  affrighted  inhabitants  [says 
Washington  Irving  in  his  vivid  Conquest  of  Granada] 
as  if  the  fiends  of  the  air  had  come  upon  the  wings 
of  the  wind,  and  possessed  themselves  of  tower  and 
turret.  The  war-cry  resounded  on  every  side,  shout 
answering  shout,  above,  below,  on  the  battlements  of 
the  castle,  in  the  streets  of  the  town ;  the  foe  was  in 
all  parts,  wrapped  in  obscurity  but  acting  in  concert 
by  the  aid  of  preconcerted  signals.  Starting  from 
sleep,  the  soldiers  were  intercepted,  and  cut  down,  as 
they  rushed  from  their  quarters,  or,  if  they  escaped, 
they  knew  not  where  to  assemble  or  where  to  strike. 
Wherever  lights  appeared,  the  flashing  scimitar  was  at 
its  deadly  work,  and  all  who  attempted  resistance  fell 
beneath  its  edge.  In  a  little  while  the  struggle  was 
at  an  end.  .  .  .  When  the  day  dawned  it  was  piteous 
to  behold  this  once  prosperous  community,  which  had 
lain  down  to  rest  in  peaceful  security,  now  crowded 
together  without  distinction  of  age,  or  rank,  or  sex, 
and  almost  without  raiment  during  the  severity  of  a 
winter  storm. 

The  next  day  the  unhappy  prisoners,  first  fruits 
of  the  Moorish  triumphs,  were  led  back  in  chains 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  165 

to  the  capital ;  but  the  sight  of  their  misery  aroused 
not  so  much  rejoicing  amongst  the  people  as  pity 
and  dismay.  Courtiers  might  crowd  to  the  palace 
of  the  Alhambra  to  congratulate  their  warrior 
sovereign,  but  the  general  feeling  of  foreboding 
found  vent  in  the  cries  of  an  old  dervish,  as  he 
wandered  through  the  streets  wringing  his  hands: 

Woe  to  Granada!  Its  fall  is  at  hand.  Desolation 
shall  dwell  in  its  palaces,  its  strong  men  shall  fall 
beneath  the  sword,  its  children  and  its  maidens  shall 
be  led  into  captivity.    Zahara  is  but  a  type  of  Granada. 

In  Medina  del  Campo,  where  the  news  of  the 
disaster  reached  Ferdinand  and  Isabel,  there  was 
burning  indignation,  and  demands  on  all  sides  for 
instant  revenge.  The  gallant  Don  Rodrigo  Ponce 
de  Leon,  Marquis  of  Cadiz,  took  upon  himself 
the  task  of  retaliation.  Having  learned  from  the 
"Asistente"  of  Seville,  Don  Diego  de  Merlo, 
that  the  town  of  Alhama,  only  eight  leagues  from 
the  Moorish  capital  and  a  regular  granary  and 
storehouse  for  the  neighbourhood,  was  ill-defended 
and  quite  unprepared  for  any  attack,  he  collected 
a  considerable  force  both  of  horse  and  foot,  and 
set  off  at  their  head  to  effect  its  capture.  Pushing 
forward  by  night,  and  hiding  at  daybreak  in 
whatever  cover  was  afforded  by  ravines  and  woods, 


i66  Isabel  of  Castile  lesi- 

on March  i,  1482,  he  arrived  at  his  destination, 
unperceived.  He  then  selected  some  picked  men; 
and  these  under  the  command  of  Diego  de  Merlo, 
placed  their  ladders  against  the  steepest  part  of 
the  citadel,  from  which  attack  would  be  least 
expected,  and  scaling  the  walls  slew  the  sentries 
whom  they  found  on  guard.  Soon  they  had 
opened  the  gates  to  admit  the  Marquis  and 
their  companions,  and  all  within  Alhama  was  in 
confusion. 

The  Moors,  waked  from  their  sleep,  fought 
desperately  to  preserve  the  town  itself  from  the 
fate  of  the  citadel,  throwing  up  barriers  in  the 
streets,  and  maintaining  a  heavy  cross-bow  fire 
upon  their  assailants,  whenever  they  tried  to 
emerge  from  the  shelter  of  the  gates.  It  seemed 
for  a  time  as  if  the  Christian  forces  could  make  no 
headway;  and  some  of  the  captains  counselled 
that  the  citadel  and  all  the  houses  within  reach 
should  be  fired  and  the  order  for  retreat  should 
be  sounded. 

To  this  the  Marquis  replied  with  a  stem  nega- 
tive. They  had  not  made  such  a  splendid  capture 
merely  to  reduce  it  to  ashes ;  and  he  promised  his 
soldiers  that  once  the  city  was  taken  he  would 
allow  them  to  put  it  to  the  sack  and  keep  what 
booty  fell  to  their  swords.     Encouraged  by  this 


SPANISH   CROSSBOWMAN,    FIFTEENTH    CENTURY 

FROM    "  SPANISH   ARMS   AND   ARMOUR  " 
REPRODUCED   BY   COURTESY   OF    THE  AUTHOR,    MR.    A.    F.    CALVERT 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  167 

prospect  his  troops  made  a  breach  in  the  wall  of 
the  citadel  on  the  side  towards  Alhama,  and 
swarming  through  this  opening  and  the  main 
gateway  in  great  numbers,  they  succeeded  in 
beating  back  their  enemies  and  destroying  the 
barriers. 

Ay  de  mi  Alhama!  "Woe  is  me  Alhama!" 
was  the  cry  in  Granada,  when  wounded  fugitives 
brought  news  of  the  fate  that  had  overtaken  their 
town.  Muley  Abul  Hacen  said  little,  but,  putting 
himself  at  the  head  of  some  3000  horse  and  50,000 
infantry,  advanced  on  Alhama  to  exact  vengeance 
on  the  Christians  who  had  so  daringly  crossed  his 
frontier.  As  he  approached  the  walls,  his  troops 
uttered  groans  of  mingled  fury  and  horror,  for 
the  ground  lay  strewn  with  the  dead  bodies  of 
their  countrymen,  thrown  out  by  those  within  the 
walls  to  the  mercy  of  vultures  and  pariah  dogs. 

The  Marquis  had  made  what  preparations  for 
defence  he  could,  but  he  had  begun  to  realize  that 
his  situation  was  rather  desperate.  Not  only 
was  he  separated  from  his  country  by  a  wide 
stretch  of  hostile  territory,  from  which  he  could 
expect  no  provisions,  but  the  food  stored  within 
the  town  had  been  much  of  it  squandered  or 
destroyed  during  the  sack.  Large  quantities  of 
grain  had  been  deliberately  burned  by  the  Castilian 


i68  Isabel  of  Castile  [1481- 

soldiery  who,  hearing  it  rumoured  that  they  were 
about  to  retreat,  determined  to  leave  nothing  in- 
tact for  their  enemies.  In  the  weeks  that  fol- 
lowed, when  the  forces  of  Muley  Hacen  ranged 
themselves  round  the  walls,  and  his  engineers 
turned  aside  the  stream  that  supplied  Alhama 
with  water,  the  Christians,  fighting  by  day  and 
night,  half-starved  and  tortured  with  thirst,  were 
to  pay  dearly  for  their  recklessness. 

Messengers  had  been  dispatched  at  once  to 
Andalusia  and  Medina  del  Campo,  bearing  news 
of  the  victory  but  demanding  instant  succour, 
lest  glory  should  be  dimmed  in  even  more  signal 
defeat.  Leaving  Isabel  to  send  out  letters  and 
enroll  captains  and  troops  throughout  Castile, 
Ferdinand  hastened  south  to  Cordova ;  but  it  was 
only  to  find  that  he  came  too  late,  and  that  help 
was  already  well  on  its  way  to  the  beleaguered  city. 
This  prompt  action  was  due  to  no  less  a  person 
than  the  Duke  of  Medina-Sidonia  who,  having 
received  a  piteous  letter  from  the  Marquesa  de 
Cadiz  in  which  she  described  her  husband's  plight, 
generously  put  his  old  enmity  aside  and  went  to 
his  rival's  assistance. 

Bemaldez  the  chronicler,  more  often  called  the 
Curate  of  Los  Palacios,  who  was  an  eye-witness  of 
much  of  the  Moorish  war  and  knew  Andalusia 


1483I  The  Moorish  War  169 

well,  once  described  the  Diike  and  Marquis  as 
"the  two  columns  on  which  the  province  rested." 
Their  combined  retinues  provided  an  army  that 
Muley  Hacen,  with  his  hastily  collected  troops, 
dared  not  face;  and  the  Duke  arrived  before  the 
gates  of  Alhama,  as  the  last  of  the  Moorish  banners 
dipped  below  the  far  horizon.  It  was  a  meeting 
worthy  of  a  chronicler's  pen,  when  with  hands 
clasped  the  gallant  young  Marquis  and  his  former 
enemy  pledged  eternal  friendship  amid  the  ap- 
plause and  shouting  of  their  troops.  Alhama 
was  saved. 

Its  maintenance  was  a  different  matter,  for 
hardly  had  the  Duke  and  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz, 
leaving  Diego  de  Merlo  and  a  strong  garrison 
behind  them,  departed  for  Cordova,  than  Muley 
Abul  Hacen  made  a  new  and  more  strenuous 
attack  on  his  old  fortress.  From  every  side  the 
Moors  swarmed  up  by  ladders  or  projecting 
masonry  and  hurled  themselves  upon  the  ram- 
parts. The  Christians  thrust  them  back  only  to 
face  a  fresh  avalanche;  and  when  at  length,  after 
a  prolonged  struggle,  some  seventy  warriors  who 
had  made  their  entrance  unnoticed  were  hemmed 
in  and  cut  down,  the  garrison  although  victorious 
was  both  exhausted  and  dismayed.  Fresh  help 
must  come  from  Cordova  or  they  were  lost. 


170  Isabel  of  Castile  luSi- 

The  advisability  of  burning  and  deserting 
Alhama,  as  a  too  costly  capture,  was  warmly 
advocated  in  the  royal  councils;  but  Isabel  who 
had  arrived  at  Cordova  would  not  hear  of  it. 
Every  war,  she  declared,  must  have  its  heavy  ex- 
penses; and,  since  she  and  the  King  were  deter- 
mined on  the  conquest  of  Granada  at  all  costs, 
the  surrender  of  the  first  city  they  had  gained 
could  appear  nothing  but  cowardice. 

Then  the  King  [we  are  told]  and  the  Cardinal  of 
Spain  and  all  his  host  came  to  the  city  of  Alhama,  and 
they  built  up  the  fortifications  and  supplied  it  with  all 
things  necessary  for  its  defence. 

It  was  not  the  last  time  that  Isabel  was  to  spur 
the  lagging  energies  of  the  Christian  army  to  fresh 
enthusiasm  and  endeavotirs. 

In  the  meantime  Muley  Abul  Hacen  was  called 
on  to  cope  with  serious  trouble  at  home,  as  well  as 
a  campaign  against  foreign  invaders.  For  this 
the  mixed  character  of  the  Moorish  population 
could  partly  account.  The  haughty  Arab,  with 
his  sense  of  racial  and  mental  superiority,  had 
not  after  centuries  amalgamated  well  either  with 
his  Berber  ally  of  African  origin,  or  with  the 
Spanish  muladies,  that  suspected  sect  whose 
ancestors  had  changed  their  religion  with  their 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  171 

masters  in  the  old  days  of  Moorish  conquest,  thus 
cutting  off  their  descendants  from  their  natural 
kith  and  kin. 

Belief  in  "one  God  and  Mahomet  as  His  Pro- 
phet," alone  held  together  these  heterogeneous 
peoples,  whose  mutual  suspicion  proved  ever 
fertile  soil  for  plots  and  rebellions.  Had  the 
latter  depended  for  their  source  only  on  race 
hatred,  Muley  Hacen,  prompt,  cunning,  and  piti- 
less, might  have  proved  their  match.  It  was 
that  curse  of  Eastern  politics,  the  quarrels  of  the 
harem,  that  acting  on  his  sensual  nature  betrayed 
his  statesmanship. 

When  well  advanced  in  middle  age,  the  Sultan 
had  fallen  a  victim  to  a  slave  girl  of  Christian  origin 
and  had  raised  her  to  the  position  of  his  favourite 
wife,  the  Arabs  calling  her  for  her  beauty  "  Zoraya," 
or  "Light  of  the  Morning,"  This  woman,  who 
was  as  ambitious  and  unscrupulous  as  she  was 
fair,  made  common  cause  with  a  certain  Emir, 
Cacim  Venegas,  a  descendant  of  an  old  Cordovan 
family,  to  ruin  all  who  opposed  their  power;  and 
to  their  machinations  had  been  due  the  horrible 
massacre  of  the  Abencerrages  in  the  Alhambra, 
whose  name  still  marks  the  scene  of  the  crime. 

Chief  of  Zoraya's  enemies  was  the  deposed 
favourite  of  the  harem,  "Aixa,"   "the  Pure,"  a 


172  Isabel  of  Castile  [1481- 

Moorish  lady  of  high  birth  and  spotless  character, 
whose  son,  Abu  Abdallah,  more  often  alluded  to 
by  the  chroniclers  as  "Boabdil,"  was  universally 
regarded  as  his  father's  heir.  To  bring  about  his 
death  and  thus  prevent  his  accession  was  the  main 
object  of  Zoraya's  life ;  but  her  rival  was  well  aware 
of  this  and,  taking  advantage  of  the  fall  of  Alhama 
and  the  consequent  loss  of  Muley  Hacen's  reputa- 
tion as  a  general,  she  laid  her  schemes  for  placing 
the  sceptre  in  Boabdil's  hands. 

The  Sultan  learnt  of  the  plot  on  his  return  to 
Granada;  and,  determining  to  exact  vengeance 
at  his  leisure,  he  imprisoned  his  wife  and  son  in 
one  of  the  strong  towers  of  the  Alhambra.  All 
seemed  lost;  but  Aixa,  inspired  by  the  courage 
of  despair,  knotted  together  the  gaily  coloured 
scarves  that  she  and  her  ladies  were  wont  to  wear, 
and  by  this  rope  let  down  Boabdil  from  her  window 
to  the  banks  of  the  Darro.  Here  some  attendants, 
who  had  been  secretly  warned,  awaited  him;  and 
the  Moorish  prince,  setting  spurs  to  his  horse, 
went  swiftly  to  Guadix,  a  town  perched  amid  the 
moimtains  of  the  Alpuj arras. 

The  standard  of  rebellion  was  raised ;  and  Muley 
Hacen,  returning  one  day  from  the  gardens  beyond 
the  city  walls,  where  he  had  been  dallying  in 
idleness    with    Zoraya,    found    the    gates    closed 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  173 

against  him.  The  people,  who  had  secretly  hated 
him  for  his  tyranny,  now  despised  him,  and  had 
therefore  readily  welcomed  Boabdil,  when  he 
came  riding  from  Guadix  to  usurp  the  throne. 
The  old  Sultan  was  forced  to  fly,  but  his  spirit 
was  far  from  broken;  and,  being  joined  not  only 
by  Cacim  Venegas  and  all  his  clan  of  relations  and 
followers,  but  also  by  his  brother,  the  renowned 
warrior,  Abdallah  "El  Zagal,"  "the  Bold,"  he 
determined  to  have  his  revenge. 

One  night,  soon  after  dark,  he  appeared  unex- 
pectedly before  the  city,  and,  scaling  with  his  men 
the  walls  of  the  Alhambra,  fell  upon  the  sleeping 
inhabitants  sword  in  hand,  sparing  in  his  rage 
neither  grey-beards,  women,  nor  children.  For 
hours  the  fight  raged  through  the  narrow  streets, 
dimly  lit  from  the  windows  above  by  hanging 
lanterns  and  guttering  torches.  It  was  war  to 
the  death  and  no  quarter  was  given;  but  though 
Muley  Hacen  and  his  brother  fought  with  a 
courage  that  equalled  their  ferocity,  the  sympathy 
of  the  people  was  with  their  enemies,  and  with 
difficulty  at  last  they  made  their  escape.  Malaga, 
on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  became  their 
new  capital;  and  thus,  just  at  a  time  when  union 
was  most  needed,  the  kingdom  of  Granada  was 
divided  against  itself. 


174  Isabel  of  Castile  [1481- 

The  final  triumph  of  the  Christian  forces,  though 
undoubtedly  hastened  by  the  divisions  amongst 
their  enemies,  was  not  to  prove  an  easy  achieve- 
ment ;  for  the  captiu-e  of  Alhama  and  its  subsequent 
successful  defence  were  soon  counterbalanced  by 
two  disasters.  In  both  cases  the  cause  was  a 
self-confidence  on  the  part  of  the  Castilian  com- 
manders, that  blinded  them  to  the  ordinary  pre- 
cautions of  warfare. 

Ferdinand,  in  the  later  years  of  his  life,  was 
regarded  by  his  fellow  sovereigns  as  a  model  of 
sagacity  and  caution ;  but  we  have  already  noticed 
the  strain  of  romance  and  daring  that  rendered 
his  youth  the  less  responsible  if  the  more  attractive. 
Nothing  exasperated  him  so  much  as  to  be  told 
it  was  a  king's  place  to  remain  in  safety  and  to 
allow  his  generals  to  fight  for  him ;  and  it  had  been 
a  bitter  moment  when  he  arrived  at  Cordova  and 
found  his  intended  relief-expedition  had  been 
forestalled  by  the  Duke  of  Medina- Sidonia.  He 
had  perforce  contented  himself  with  meeting  the 
party  on  their  return  at  the  border  town  of  Ante- 
quera;  but  he  waited  impatiently  for  a  response 
to  the  Queen's  letters  that  would  enable  him  to 
take  the  initiative  on  his  own  account.  In  time 
it  came,  and  the  sturdy  mountaineers  of  Biscay 
and  Guizpucoa,  to  whose  help  he  had  once  gone 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  175 

against  the  French,  now  joined  his  banner  along 
with  the  levies  of  Galicia  and  Estremadura,  and 
cavaliers  from  New  and  Old  Castile. 

Having  collected  his  army,  Ferdinand  crossed 
the  Moorish  border  late  in  June,  1482,  while 
Isabel  dispatched  a  fleet  to  patrol  the  Western 
Mediterranean  and  prevent  assistance  from  Africa 
reaching  Muley  Hacen  in  his  retreat  at  Malaga. 
The  objective  of  the  Christian  army  was  the  town 
of  Loja,  whose  capture  would  ensiire  safe  commu- 
nication with  Alhama.  It  lay  to  the  north-west 
of  that  outpost  in  a  deep  valley  traversed  by  the 
river  Genii,  almost  like  a  gateway  to  the  Vega  of 
Granada ;  and  its  wealth  and  natural  beauty  of  sit- 
uation in  the  midst  of  frowning  mountains  had  won 
for  it  the  name  of  "the  flower  amongst  the  thorns." 

The  Christian  forces,  eager  to  pluck  this  flower 
and  heedless  of  the  dangers  in  the  path,  advanced 
with  rash  haste  between  the  ridges.  Ferdinand  in 
his  anxiety  to  approach  the  city  pitched  his  camp 
on  uneven  ground  amid  the  surrounding  olive- 
groves,  in  a  position  wholly  to  the  disadvantage 
of  either  his  cavalry  or  artillery.  At  the  earnest 
entreaties  of  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz  and  the  Duke 
of  Villahermosa,  who  had  preached  caution  from 
the  first,  an  attempt  was  made  to  rectify  these 
mistakes,  but  it  proved  too  late. 


176  Isabel  of  Castile  [1481- 

Aliator,  the  Governor  of  Loja,  who  was  father- 
in-law  of  the  young  Sultan  Boabdil,  had  been  on 
the  watch  from  the  first  for  any  opportunity  of 
throwing  the  besiegers  into  confusion.  He  there- 
fore skilfully  arranged  an  ambush;  and,  some  of 
the  Christians  falling  into  it,  a  sudden  panic 
spread  through  the  camp,  that  had  begun  to 
realize  the  perils  of  its  locality.  Only  a  hasty 
retreat  saved  Castile  from  a  general  massacre  of 
her  leading  chivalry,  nay  even  the  loss  of  the  King 
himself;  while  many  a  gallant  warrior,  such  as  the 
Master  of  Calatrava,  came  by  his  death.  Ferdi- 
nand, in  disgust  at  his  ignominious  five  days* 
siege  and  the  failiu-e  of  his  tactics,  departed  to 
Cordova,  leaving  the  command  of  the  frontier  in 
other  hands. 

Early  in  February,  1483,  the  Christians  once 
more  took  the  offensive,  hoping  to  wipe  out  their 
previous  defeat  by  some  victory  of  unprecedented 
magnitude.  Alonso  de  Cardenas,  the  Master  of 
Santiago,  who  had  been  placed  in  command  of  the 
border  country  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ecija, 
had  learned  through  certain  of  his  scouts  that, 
once  an  army  had  pierced  the  mountains  near 
Ajarquia,  it  would  find  itself  in  a  fertile  plain,  not 
far  removed  from  the  city  of  Malaga.  Here 
would  be   a  new   vega,   stocked    with  fat  herds 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  177 

and  with  opulent  towns  and  villages,  providing 
spoils  for  its  conquerors  even  more  alluring  than 
the  riches  of  Alhama.  In  vain  the  Marquis  of 
Cadiz  protested  that  these  scouts  were  renegade 
Moors  and  should  not  be  trusted;  the  daring  of 
the  enterprise  had  won  the  assent  of  Alonso  de 
Cardenas  and  the  other  commanders  against  their 
better  judgment,  while  the  bait  of  pillage  was 
eagerly  swallowed  by  the  ordinary  soldiery. 

From  Antequera  the  army  set  out  on  its  journey 
through  the  mountains,  more  than  three  thousand 
horse  and  a  thousand  foot  with  the  banners  of 
Seville,  Cordova,  Jerez,  and  other  principal  cities 
of  Andalusia,  waving  in  their  midst.  Rarely  had 
more  famous  names  graced  a  military  enterprise: 
the  Master  of  Santiago,  hero  of  the  Portuguese 
war;  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz,  victor  of  Alhama, 
with  some  five  more  of  the  warlike  house  of  Ponce 
de  Leon;  the  Count  of  Cifuentes  now  Asistente 
of  Seville ;  and  Don  Alonso  de  Aguilar,  a  renowned 
general  whose  star  has  somewhat  paled  before  the 
brilliance  of  his  younger  brother's  fame,  Gonsalvo 
de  Cordova — the  "Great  Captain."  Behind  these 
warriors  and  their  troops  came  a  heterogeneous 
crowd  of  merchants  and  adventurers,  their  pockets 
well  stocked  with  gold  for  barter,  and  their  hands 
ready  for  any  robbery  that  would  bring  them  profit 


178  Isabel  of  Castile  [1481- 

so  long  as  the  swords  of  those  in  front  had  cleared 
a  way  to  it  in  safety. 

The  selfish  motives,  that  in  most  hearts 
prompted  the  undertaking,  were  clearly  shown  on 
the  first  day's  march  through  the  mountains.  High 
above  them,  ridge  on  ridge,  stretched  ragged  peaks 
bare  of  all  save  the  most  meagre  vegetation;  the 
roadway  on  the  slope  below  became  a  mere  track, 
winding  through  ravines  and  stony  river-beds. 
Here  and  there  were  human  habitations;  but  the 
peasantry,  warned  by  the  glitter  of  spear  and 
helmet,  had  long  climbed  to  distant  heights  or 
hidden  with  their  cattle  in  secret  caves.  The 
Castilians,  picking  their  way  in  disorderly  fashion 
between  marsh  and  boulder,  revenged  themselves 
for  the  lack  of  booty  by  firing  the  deserted  villages 
and  huts  until  night  fell;  for  of  easy  ground  or 
promised  vega  there  was  no  sign.  Then  in 
the  darkness  came  the  sound  of  stones  and  rocks 
clattering  down  the  mountainside.  Some  of  the 
horses  were  struck  and,  with  others  frightened 
by  the  noise,  bolted  or  stumbled;  lights  began  to 
appear  along  the  ridge;  and  showers  of  poisoned 
arrows  to  descend;  missiles  from  which  the 
Christians,  unable  to  retaliate,  could  find  no  ade- 
quate protection.  A  crowning  touch  was  put  to 
the  ever-growing  horror,  when  it  was  discovered 


ALHAMBRA,    COURT   OF    LIONS 

FROM    A   PHOTOGRAPH    BY   ANDERSON,    ROME 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  179 

that  Muley  Hacen,  having  learned  of  the  invasion 
by  means  of  beacon  fires,  had  sent  his  brother 
"El  Zagal"  and  Abul  Cacim  Venegas  to  the 
assistance  of  the  mountaineers. 

Conscious  of  their  helpless  plight,  the  Castilians 
turned  and  fled.  "Into  such  evil  case  were  they 
fallen,"  says  the  chronicler,  "that  none  listened 
to  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  nor  followed  a  banner, 
nor  paid  attention  to  those  who  were  his  leaders." 

The  Moors,  hanging  on  their  rear,  and  descend- 
ing in  swarms  from  the  ridges  above,  broke  between 
the  lines,  preventing  one  commander  from  assisting 
another;  while  many  of  the  scouts,  either  of  evil 
intention  or  from  sheer  terror,  advised  ways  of 
escape  that  ended  in  impassable  ravines  or  mere 
goat-tracks  across  the  peaks.  But  a  small  portion 
of  the  gallant  army  that  had  set  out  with  such 
self-confidence  from  Antequera  returned  safe 
from  the  "Heights  of  Slaughter,"  as  these 
mountains  were  ever  afterwards  known. 

The  Master  of  Santiago,  finding  it  impossible 
to  rally  his  forces,  borrowed  a  horse  from  his 
servants,  and  in  the  darkness  escaped  by  secret 
footpaths. 

"I  turn  my  back  not  on  the  Moors,"  he  ex- 
claimed, "but  on  a  country  that  for  our  sins  has 
shown  itself  hostile." 


i8o  Isabel  of  Castile  I1481- 

The  Marquis  of  Cadiz  and  Don  Alonso  de 
Aguilar,  after  many  detours  and  wanderings, 
also  found  their  way  to  Antequera ;  but  the  former 
had  lost  his  three  brothers  and  two  nephews; 
while  the  Count  of  Cifuentes,  and  others  of  the 
Christian  army,  almost  to  the  number  of  a  thou- 
sand, were  captured  and  led  to  Malaga. 

This  defeat  [says  the  Curate  of  Los  Palacios]  was 
marvellous  for  the  small  band  of  Moors  by  whom  it 
was  inflicted.  It  would  seem  that  Our  Lord  consented, 
because  robbery  or  merchandise  rather  than  His  ser- 
vice had  been  the  thought  of  the  majority.  For  many 
of  the  same  acknowledged  that  they  went  not  to  fight 
against  the  Infidels,  as  good  Christians  who  had  con- 
fessed their  sins  and  received  the  Sacrament,  and  made 
their  will,  and  wished  to  fight  against  their  enemies 
and  conquer  them  for  the  sake  of  the  Holy  Catholic 
Faith ; — for  but  few  of  them  had  this  desire. 

The  shame  and  sorrow,  aroused  by  the  retreat 
from  Loja,  was  as  nothing  to  the  lamentations 
over  this  new  disaster.  There  was  scarcely  a 
man  or  a  woman  in  Andalusia,  it  was  said,  who 
had  not  cause  to  weep;  but  Castilian  fortunes 
had  touched  their  lowest  depth. 

"The  good  are  punished  for  a  time,"  says  the 
Curate  of  Los  Palacios,  "because  they  have 
neglected  God;  but  always  He  returns  to  succour 
and  console  them." 


1483]  The  Moorish  War  181 

The  victory  of  Ajarquia  had  redounded  to  the 
credit  of  Muley  Hacen,  and  still  more  to  that  of 
his  brother  "El  Zagal,"  with  the  result  that  the 
popularity  of  Boabdil  began  to  wane.  Necessity 
demanded  that  the  young  Sultan  should  take 
some  steps  to  show  his  ability  as  a  general;  and, 
since  he  was  neither  devoid  of  courage  nor  ambi- 
tion, in  April,  1483,  the  gates  of  Granada  were 
opened  to  permit  the  exodus  of  himself  and  the 
flower  of  his  nobility  at  the  head  of  a  picked  army 
of  horse  and  foot.  His  plan  of  campaign  was, 
marching  through  the  vega,  to  cross  the  Genii 
near  Loja,  where  he  would  be  reinforced  by  his 
father-in-law,  Aliator,  and  then  on  again  beyond 
the  Christian  frontier,  till  he  arrived  at  Lucena  in 
Andalusia,  the  object  of  his  attack. 

So  much  he  achieved  without  difficulty;  but 
the  more  superstitious  of  his  following  shook  their 
heads.  Had  not  the  King's  horse  stumbled  in  the 
very  gateway  of  Granada,  causing  his  master  to 
shiver  his  lance  against  the  arch  above?  Had  not 
a  fox,  also,  rushed  scatheless  through  the  army, 
almost  in  front  of  Boabdil  himself,  without  suffer- 
ing hurt  from  the  many  arrows  aimed  at  her? 
These  were  ill  omens. 

More  disconcerting  for  military  minds  was  the 
bold  defiance  of  Don  Diego  Fernandez  de  Cordova, 


i82  Isabel  of  Castile  IhSi- 

the  youthful  Governor  of  Lucena.  The  Moors 
had  hoped  to  surprise  the  town,  but  it  was  obvious 
news  of  their  coming  had  preceded  them;  for 
hardly  had  they  spread  through  the  immediate 
neighbourhood,  burning  and  pillaging,  than  Don 
Diego  and  a  small  force  of  Christians  flung  open 
the  gates  and  began  to  attack  them.  This  they 
would  hardly  have  dared  to  do,  had  they  believed 
themselves  unsupported ;  and  Boabdil  and  Aliator, 
looking  behind  them  to  account  for  this  temerity, 
saw  to  their  horror  the  sun  glittering  on  Christian 
spears  and  banners. 

It  was  the  Count  of  Cabra,  uncle  of  Don  Fer- 
nandez, with  a  troop  of  not  more  than  two  hun- 
dred horse  and  double  that  number  of  foot;  but 
the  sound  of  his  trumpets  re-echoing  in  the  hills, 
and  the  curve  of  the  road  by  which  he  came,  as 
it  descended  to  the  plain,  lent  to  his  host  a  phantom 
size.  The  Moors  at  any  rate  believed  it  the  whole 
Christian  army,  and  at  the  first  onslaught  their 
infantry  broke  and  fled.  The  cavalry  still  con- 
tinued the  battle  fiercely,  till  the  arrival  of  Don 
Alonso  de  Aguilar  with  reinforcements  from  Ante- 
quera,  and  the  death  of  Aliator  deprived  them 
of  the  last  hope  of  victory.  Then  defeat  became 
a  rout;  and  some,  surrendering,  begged  for  mercy, 
while   others,   missing  the  ford  across  the  river 


1483I  The  Moorish  War  183 

in  their  hurry  to  escape,  were  drowned  in  the 
heavy  flood.  A  few  returned  to  Loja,  but  their 
king  was  not  amongst  them.  Crouching  amongst 
the  low  bushes  by  the  waterside,  his  scimitar 
struck  from  his  hand,  Boabdil,  "the  Unfortunate" 
as  astrologers  had  proclaimed  him  at  his  birth, 
was  forced  to  surrender,  and  led  a  captive  to  the 
city  he  had  meant  to  conquer. 

The  question  of  his  fate  was  a  matter  for  pro- 
found discussion  in  Castilian  councils.  At  first 
it  was  suggested  that  he  should  be  placed  under 
lock  and  key  in  some  inaccessible  fortress;  but 
the  Marquis  of  Cadiz  pointed  out  that  no  decision 
could  give  Muley  Hacen  greater  pleasure.  Better 
far  than  to  remove  Boabdil  from  Granada  was 
to  send  him  back  to  his  kingdom  as  a  vassal  of 
the  Christian  sovereigns,  that  he  might  continue 
to  foment  discord  amongst  his  own  nation. 

This  advice  pleased  Ferdinand  and  Isabel,  and 
soon  the  humiliating  terms,  on  which  the  Prince 
should  receive  his  liberty,  were  drawn  up  and 
signed.  Boabdil  did  homage  to  the  rulers  of 
Castile,  consenting  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  of 
twelve  thousand  doblas  of  gold,  and  to  surrender 
four  hundred  Christian  captives.  Most  galling 
of  all,  he  publicly  promised  to  appear  at  the  Cas- 
tilian Court,  whenever  summoned,  and  to  allow 


1 84  Isabel  of  Castile         [1481-1483I 

the  Christian  armies  free  passage  through  his 
territory,  in  their  campaigns  against  Muley  Hacen 
and  "El  Zagal."  Having  surrendered  his  own 
son  and  those  of  his  principal  nobles  as  hostages 
for  his  good  faith,  he  returned  to  his  own  kingdom, 
free;  yet  bound  by  chains  that  were  to  cost  him 
his  kingdom  and  hold  him  in  perpetual  bondage. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE      FALL     OF      GRANADA:      THE     MOORISH     WAR 

I 484- I 492 

'T^HE  kingdom  of  Granada  had  been  cut  off  by 
■*■  land  and  sea  from  outward  assistance,  her 
plains  and  valleys  had  been  ravaged  by  a  foreign 
foe,  her  principal  towns  were  torn  by  the  factions 
of  her  ruling  family,  yet  she  turned  a  defiant, 
almost  mocking  gaze  on  those  who  had  pledged 
themselves  to  her  downfall.  The  thought  of 
this  defiance  rankled  with  the  Queen  as  bitterly 
as  had  the  contempt  shown  for  her  commands 
by  the  young  Enriquez. 

There  was  nothing  in  her  nature  of  the  Oriental 
acceptance  of  ill-fortune  as  the  will  of  a  far-seeing 
Providence.  Disaster  to  her  spelt  rather  divine 
wrath  visited  on  human  incompetency ;  and  Isabel 
looked  on  even  temporary  failure  as  something 
unclean  and  abhorrent,  that  could  only  be  puri- 
fied  and   overcome   by   perseverance   ending   in 

i8s 


1 86  Isabel  of  Castile  1 1484- 

success.  So  sincere  was  her  conviction,  so  whole- 
hearted and  untiring  her  share  in  whatever  plan 
of  action  was  laid  down,  that  she  could  not  but 
inspire  her  generals  and  councillors  with  something 
of  her  own  enthusiasm. 

At  times  her  will  clashed  with  Ferdinand's 
ambitions,  as  when  in  1484  he  urged  her  to  leave 
the  weary  struggle  against  Granada  and  help  him 
regain  the  counties  of  Roussillon  and  Cerdagne; 
but  though  in  later  years  the  foreign  policy  of 
Aragon  was  to  assume  predominance,  on  this 
occasion  the  interests  of  Castile  were  jealously 
maintained. 

Ferdinand  argued  his  cause  with  no  little  truth 
and  ability.  The  death  of  Louis  XL  in  the  pre- 
vious summer  had  left  his  son  Charles  VIIL,  a 
mere  boy,  as  the  figure-head  of  France,  to  the 
natural  weakening  of  the  government.  Now  was 
the  time,  before  the  child  developed  into  a  man, 
to  win  back  Aragon's  lawful  possessions,  the  Pyre- 
nean  counties,  whose  sympathies  were  Spanish 
rather  than  French.  Isabel  did  not  attempt  to 
controvert  these  views.  She  even  admitted  that 
had  it  been  a  question  of  making  war  on  Granada 
for  the  first  time,  or  recovering  Roussillon  or 
Cerdagne,  the  latter  policy  would  have  been 
undoubtedly  the  best. 


1493]  The  Fall  of  Granada  187 

"But,"  she  continued,  "seeing  that  it  is  now 
two  years  since  we  began  our  war  against  the 
Moors,  and  that  during  that  time  we  have  been 
put  to  great  trouble  and  expense,  I  hold  it  as  ill- 
advised  that  we  should  burden  ourselves  with  a 
fresh  campaign  elsewhere." 

She  then  departed  southwards  with  the  Cardinal 
of  Spain  to  arrange  for  a  renewed  invasion  of 
Moorish  territory,  leaving  the  King  with  some 
Castilian  troops  to  settle  his  own  projects  in  the 
north  according  to  his  fancy.  The  result  was, 
after  due  reflection,  to  bring  him  back  to  her,  with 
his  designs  on  Roussillon  and  Cerdagne  tempo- 
rarily shelved.  There  was  nothing  petty  in  the 
relation  of  either  husband  or  wife;  and  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  secret  of  their  unanimity  of  action 
lay  in  their  mutual  readiness  to  respond  to  reason. 

It  was  about  this  date  that  their  military  policy 
developed  a  new  and  more  modem  trend.  The 
surprise  of  Alhama,  the  expedition  to  Ajarquia, 
and  the  hasty  march  to  Loja  had  all  been  in  keep- 
ing with  the  tactics  of  earlier  crusades.  That  two 
out  of  the  three  expeditions  had  failed  showed 
either  a  lack  of  judgment  or  of  courage;  and  the 
reckless  daring  of  the  CastiHan  race  forbade  even 
the  momentary  consideration  of  the  latter  sug- 
gestion.    Where  then  did  the  error  lie? 


1 88  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

Experience  showed  that,  in  spite  of  her  isolation, 
the  kingdom  of  Granada  would  not  succumb  to 
ordinary  measures  of  ravage  and  blockade.  Even 
in  the  districts  trampled  underfoot,  and  burned 
and  pillaged  by  Christian  armies,  the  vegetation 
hardly  awaited  the  departure  of  the  invaders  to 
spring  up  in  fresh  luxuriance.  Ravages  that 
would  have  made  the  plains  of  Castile  a  desert 
were  quickly  effaced  in  this  land  of  sunshine,  both 
by  the  help  of  nature  and  of  the  industrious  in- 
habitants. There  were,  moreover,  hidden  vegas 
and  tracts  of  seaboard,  protected  on  the  north 
both  from  cold  winds  and  foreign  armies  by  high 
mountain  ranges,  whose  southern  slopes,  with  the 
land  stretching  beyond  them,  were  a  veritable 
paradise  of  fruits  and  crops.  Granada  might 
soon  find  her  luxury  curtailed,  but  to  starve  her 
into  submission  would  be  a  Herculean  task. 

Another  lesson  learned  was  the  futility  of  a 
campaign  of  midnight  assaults  and  surprises. 
These  were  well  enough  for  a  single  expedition 
that  aimed  at  no  more  than  intimidating  the 
enemy,  or  establishing  a  reputation  for  heroism 
amongst  the  leaders,  though  it  has  been  shown 
such  glory  could  be  dearly  bought.  In  scaling 
walls  or  planting  an  ambush  the  Castilian  had 
not  anything  to  teach  his  foe;  while  the  majority 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  189 

of  Moorish  fortresses  were  built  in  commanding 
positions  by  the  entrance  to  ravines,  or  were 
perched  on  almost  inaccessible  heights  that  gave 
to  the  defender  with  his  javelin  and  cross-bow  an 
enormous  advantage  over  those  scrambling  up 
to  the  attack  from  below. 

The  reduction  of  such  strongholds  was  a  neces- 
sary part  of  the  conquest  of  Granada;  but  eight 
more  years  were  to  pass  before  the  task  was  com- 
pleted, and  the  capital,  whose  ramparts  were  a 
series  of  fortresses,  was  to  surrender,  subdued  not 
so  much  by  wild  valour  as  by  untiring  patience. 

During  these  years  the  Castilian  army  lost 
much  of  its  feudal  character,  a  transformation  to 
be  completed  later,  on  the  battlefields  of  Italy 
under  the  supervision  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova. 
The  levies  of  the  principal  nobles  had  been  the 
backbone  of  the  war  against  the  Portuguese,  and 
still  supplied  no  mean  contribution  to  the  Christian 
forces  in  the  kingdom  of  Granada.  The  military 
retainers  of  the  Cardinal  of  Spain  numbered  some 
two  thousand  men,  while,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
a  combination  of  the  vassals  of  the  Duke  of  Medina- 
Sidonia  and  Marquis  of  Cadiz  was  sufficient  to 
make  Muley  Hacen  raise  the  siege  of  Alhama. 
This  same  Duke,  in  addition  to  his  land  forces, 
was  able,  in  1487,  to  dispatch  a  private  fleet  and 


iQO  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

convoy  of  provisions  to  the  royal  camp  at  Malaga, 
then  siiffering  from  famine;  but  the  wealth  and 
power  that  could  give  these  substantial  proofs  of 
loyalty  were  not  without  their  drawbacks.  The 
patriotic  Duke,  when  touched  in  his  vanity,  did 
not  hesitate  to  refuse  Ferdinand's  commands  as 
to  the  disposal  of  his  troops,  exclaiming  touchily: 
"I  have  brought  them  to  his  service,  but  they 
shall  go  nowhere  save  under  my  command." 

The  sovereigns  dealt  with  such  aristocratic 
independence  by  their  usual  policy  of  creating  a 
counter-balance.  They  had  established  a  per- 
manent troop  of  soldiers  in  Galicia,  paid  by  their 
treasury,  to  enforce  the  sentences  of  the  royal 
judges  in  that  unruly  province;  while  the  natural 
sequence  of  their  employment  of  the  Santa  Her- 
mandad  for  the  restoration  of  order  was  the  dis- 
patch of  its  well-armed  bands  to  the  seat  of  war. 

The  royal  forces  were  further  recruited  by 
numbers  of  the  robbers  and  evil-doers,  who  had 
created  such  havoc  in  Castile  in  the  early  years 
of  the  reign.  It  had  been  impossible  to  punish 
them  all,  as  was  shown  in  the  case  of  Seville ;  and 
now  a  free  pardon  was  offered  to  those  who  would 
take  their  share  in  the  great  crusade  and  turn 
their  love  of  violence  to  patriotic  use.  Strict 
regulations  prevented  them  from  yielding  to  their 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  191 

old  habits;  for  the  work  of  pillage  and  plunder 
was  kept  within  the  bounds  then  considered 
legitimate,  the  women  and  the  camp  followers 
who  preyed  upon  the  troops  were  banished;  and 
even  gambling,  a  customary  pastime  of  the  soldiery 
and  ever-fruitful  source  of  quarrels,  was  suppressed. 

In  addition  to  the  troops  already  mentioned 
Ferdinand  also  possessed  what  might  be  called  his 
own  private  army,  amounting  to  three  thousand 
men,  personally  pledged  to  his  service.  It  con- 
sisted of  vassals  of  the  royal  demesnes  led  by  their 
adelantados;  an  escort  of  young  nobles  and  knights 
and  a  royal  guard  of  some  five  hundred  ginetes, 
or  light  horse,  with  an  equal  number  of  heavily 
armed  cavalry. 

As  the  war  grew  more  serious  the  purely  Spanish 
troops  were  augmented  by  mercenaries,  prin- 
cipally Swiss  mountaineers.  "Hardy  warriors 
who  fight  on  foot,"  Pulgar  describes  them,  "so 
resolved  never  to  turn  their  back  on  the  enemy 
that  they  wear  defensive  armour  only  in  front, 
and  are  thus  able  to  move  with  the  greater  ease." 
The  Swiss  had  won  their  laurels  against  Charles 
the  Bold  on  the  fields  of  Granson  and  Nanci ;  but 
even  farther  reaching  than  their  vindication  of 
national  independence  had  been  the  triumph  in 
their  persons  of  infantry  over  cavalry;  another 


192  Isabel  of  Castile  I1484- 

blow  struck  at  the  old  feudal  ideas.  In  the  war 
of  Granada,  it  is  still  the  cavalry  who  hold  sway; 
but  the  presence  of  the  Swiss  foot- soldiers  was  not 
without  its  influence  in  the  history  of  Spain,  whose 
infantry,  drilled  and  disciplined  after  their  method 
by  Gonsalvo  de  Ayora  in  the  latter  years  of  Fer- 
dinand's reign,  was  to  become  the  admiration  and 
fear  of  Europe. 

More  immediate  in  its  effects  was  the  improve- 
ment of  the  artillery,  a  department  of  war  that 
came  under  the  Queen's  special  supervision,  and 
on  which  she  expended  her  usual  vivid  interest 
and  energy.  A  study  of  the  almost  barren  results 
of  the  first  two  years  of  fighting  had  made  it 
obvious  that  future  campaigns  must  resolve  them- 
selves into  a  war  of  sieges,  a  war  whose  iiltimate 
issue  depended  not  so  much  on  cavalry  or  infantry 
as  on  gimners  and  engineers.  Isabel  had  already 
summoned  from  Germany  and  Flanders  the  men 
most  gifted  in  this  particular  branch  of  military 
science,  placing  at  their  head  Francisco  Ramirez, 
a  knight  of  Madrid,  whose  knowledge  and  expe- 
rience was  to  win  him  the  nickname  "El  Artillero." 

During  the  campaigns  against  the  Moors  in 
the  reign  of  John  II.,  Isabel's  father,  the  Christian 
army  had  been  proud  of  its  five  "lombards"  or 
heavy  guns;  but  the  growing  importance  of  the 


DOUBLE    BREECH-LOADING   CANNON,    IN    BRONZE;    USED    IN   SPAIN    FROM   THE    END   OF  THE 

FIFTEENTH   CENTURY 

FROM    "  SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOUR'- 

REPRODUCED   BY  COURTESY  OF   THE  AUTHOR,    MR.    A.    F.    CALVERT 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  193 

artillery  can  be  estimated,  when  we  learn  that  in 
i486,  at  the  second  siege  of  Loja,  there  were  twenty 
lombards  in  action,  while  in  two  of  the  batteries 
placed  before  Malaga  there  were  eleven  heavy 
pieces,  without  counting  the  smaller  ordnance. 

Some  of  the  very  lombards  employed  in  the 
attack  on  Baeza  can  still  be  seen  in  that  city, 
constructed  of  thick  bars  of  iron  clamped  together 
by  rings  of  the  same  metal;  while  in  the  fields 
around  the  peasants  dig  up  balls  of  iron  and  marble, 
that  once  made  such  havoc  of  the  ramparts. 
Beside  a  modern  field-gun  these  cannon  appear 
ludicrously  clumsy.  Fixed  so  that  they  coiild  be 
pointed  neither  to  the  right  nor  left,  without 
changing  the  position  of  the  whole  machine,  and 
built  only  to  fire  horizontally,  the  weight  of  their 
ammunition  prevented  the  powder  used  from  ignit- 
ing quickly;  yet  compared  with  the  artillery  of 
bygone  days  their  discharge  had  the  swiftness 
of  the  wind.  When  two  lombards  could  arrive 
between  them  at  one  hundred  and  forty  shots 
within  the  day,  their  gunners  coiild  proclaim  a 
marvellous  achievement ;  and  Isabel  looking  round 
on  her  formidable  batteries  could  boast,  as  Prescott 
has  complimented  her,  on  having  "assembled  a 
train  of  artillery,  such  as  was  probably  not  possessed 
at  that  time  by  any  other  European  potentate." 
13 


194  Isabel  of  Castile  I1484- 

The  kingdom  of  Granada,  regardless  of  her 
enemy's  heavy  guns,  still  kept  her  derisive  smile. 
Fatal  to  the  most  solid  masonry  these  lombards 
might  prove  indeed,  when  once  in  action,  but  who 
should  bring  them  by  river-bed  and  goat-track 
to  assault  fortresses  and  castles  built  on  crags, 
that  had  hitherto  defied  the  approach  even  of  a 
battering-ram? 

It  was  a  question  that  might  have  dismayed 
the  most  intrepid  of  generals;  but  Isabel  was  of 
the  fibre  of  which  Hannibals  and  Napoleons  are 
made.  She  recognized  difficulties  but  to  over- 
come them;  and  the  actual  provision  of  guns  was 
merely  a  section  of  her  extensive  preparations. 
Carpenters,  blacksmiths,  stone-masons,  brick- 
layers, colliers,  weavers  of  ropes  and  baskets; 
these  were  but  a  few  of  the  army  of  workmen  and 
engineers  who  built  bridges,  filled  in  valleys,  and 
levelled  heights,  that  the  artillery  might  reach 
their  destination.  At  the  head  of  each  depart- 
ment was  an  official  deputed  to  see  that  nothing 
was  lacking  to  his  branch  of  the  work,  whether 
food  for  the  troops,  fodder  for  the  horses,  wood 
for  carts  and  bridges,  forges  for  iron-moulding, 
powder  fetched  from  Sicily,  Flanders,  or  Portugal, 
or  marble  and  stone  to  be  fashioned  into  shot. 

In  the  end  two  thousand  gun-carriages,  drawn 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  195 

by  oxen,  lumbered  heavily  across  the  frontier, 
and  soon  were  winding  up  the  mountains  into  the 
heart  of  Granada  by  peak  and  ridge.  Pulgar 
describes  how  a  road  more  than  three  leagues  in 
length  was  constructed  within  twelve  days  "by 
the  command  and  great  insistence  of  the  Queen"; 
while  the  Curate  of  Los  Palacios,  lost  in  awe  and 
admiration,  declares  that  "he  who  had  not  seen 
the  passes  by  which  those  monstrous  lombards 
and  heavy  artillery  made  their  way  would  have 
deemed  it  a  thing  incredible." 

"The  Queen  has  provided  for  every  need,"  wrote 
the  Italian  scholar,  Peter  Martyr,  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Milan,  when  at  the  seat  of  war  before  Baeza ;  and 
his  letter  shows  that  Isabel's  thoughts  were  not 
wholly  occupied  with  the  destruction  of  the  Infidel. 

It  is  well  worth  while  [he  adds]  to  see  the  four  large 
hospital  tents  that  her  goodness  of  heart  has  de- 
signed, not  only  for  the  succour  and  cure  of  the 
wounded,  but  for  every  imaginable  illness.  Such  is 
the  number  of  doctors,  chemists,  surgeons,  and  their 
assistants ;  such  the  organization  and  energy ;  such  the 
quantity  of  supplies  that  it  is  in  no  way  inferior  to 
your  Hospital  of  the  Holy  Ghost  outside  the  city, 
or  to  the  great  one  in  your  Milan. 

The  "Queen's  Hospitals,"  as  they  were  called, 
were  in  keeping  with  the  other  methods  of  warfare 


196  Isabel  of  Castile  I1484- 

now  adopted  by  the  sovereigns,  and  show  their 
intention  that  the  old  careless  campaigning  of  the 
past  should  cease.  On  the  one  hand  the  Castilian 
soldier  should  be  assured  in  return  for  his  patriot- 
ism of  all  that  foresight  and  care  could  do  for 
him ;  on  the  other  there  should  be  meted  out  to  the 
enemy  either  the  prospect  of  submission  or  the 
alternative  of  death  or  slavery.  Ferdinand  showed 
himself  ready  to  grant  favourable  terms  to  those 
cities  that  opened  their  gates  at  his  summons; 
allowing  the  inhabitants  to  seek  their  fortunes 
elsewhere  with  what  goods  they  could  carry,  or 
to  remain  if  they  preferred  as  his  subjects.  In 
the  latter  case  he  assured  them  of  his  protection,  a 
promise  that  he  strictly  enforced  to  the  admiration 
of  the  chroniclers  and  dismay  of  his  own  troops. 

His  vengeance  on  rebellious  mudejares,  as  the 
Moors  were  called  who  had  at  any  time  accepted 
the  Castilian  yoke,  was  in  inverse  ratio  to  this 
clemency,  as  the  smoking  ruins  of  Benemaquez 
were  to  bear  witness. 

And  the  King  [we  are  told]  commanded  justice  to  be 
executed  on  those  Moors  who  were  within;  and  there 
were  put  to  the  sword,  or  hung,  one  hundred  and  eight 
of  the  principal  men,  and  he  commanded  the  rest  with 
the  women  and  children  to  be  made  captive ,  and  that  the 
town  should  be  burnt  and  its  walls  razed  to  the  ground. 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  197 

Equally  drastic  was  the  new  campaign  of  de- 
vastation that  marked  the  trail  of  the  Christian 
army.  No  longer  were  inroads  to  be  made  only 
in  the  spring,  but  instead  a  perpetual  invasion, 
slackening  in  the  hottest  months  when  the  sun 
forbade  strenuous  action,  and  renewed  again  with 
the  coming  of  autumn,  that  neither  crops  nor  fruit 
might  have  time  to  recover  from  the  previous 
onslaught.  For  this  work  of  destruction  were 
set  aside  thirty  thousand  foragers,  whose  task 
it  was,  spreading  out  on  either  side  of  the  main 
army  often  to  the  distance  of  two  leagues,  to 
bum  all  the  mills,  orchards,  and  trees  within  that 
area. 

"Both  to  the  right  and  left  we  lay  waste  fields, 
houses,  demesnes,  everything  in  fact  that  we  see," 
says  a  letter  of  Peter  Martyr,  describing  the 
Christian  advance  on  Granada,  "and  every  day 
we  press  on  further.  Thus  the  Moors  grow  more 
and  more  enfeebled." 

Such  a  policy  of  siege  and  destruction,  carried 
out  with  the  pitiless  logic  that  humaner  ages  have 
condemned,  and  backed  by  the  united  resources  of 
Castile  and  Aragon,  though  necessarily  slow,  was 
certain  of  its  ultimate  success. 

As  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz  had  foreseen,  the  issue 
was  further  hastened  by  the  release  of  Boabdil, 


198  Isabel  of  Castile  I1484- 

that  at  once  threw  the  kingdom  of  Granada 
into  fresh  convulsions  of  civil  war.  During  the 
young  Sultan's  imprisonment,  his  father,  Muley 
Hacen,  had  appeared  in  the  capital  and  established 
himself  in  his  old  palace  of  the  Alhambra,  relying 
on  the  disgust  that  he  knew  his  son's  failure  would 
awaken  amongst  Moorish  patriots. 

True  to  his  expectations  the  majority  of  the 
inhabitants  received  him  joyfully;  but  the  poorest 
quarter  of  the  city,  called  the  Albaycin  where  Aixa 
had  taken  refuge  on  his  approach,  still  maintained 
its  former  allegiance;  and  thither  one  dark  night 
came  Boabdil  with  the  few  Moorish  nobles  who 
had  remained  faithful  to  his  cause.  Before  dawn 
a  desperate  struggle  was  in  progress;  Boabdil  being 
unable  to  drive  his  enemy  from  the  Alhambra  but 
gaining  possession  of  the  Alcazaba,  its  twin  fortress 
on  the  opposite  hilltop.  At  length,  when  the 
extermination  of  one  or  other  faction  seemed  the 
only  prospect,  an  armistice  was  arranged,  by 
which  Muley  Hacen  retained  Granada,  while  his 
son  retired  with  kingly  honours  to  the  port  of 
Almeria  on  the  Mediterranean  coast. 

Such  a  settlement  could  not  prove  lasting,  nor 
was  the  young  Sultan,  in  spite  of  his  personal 
bravery,  the  man  to  alter  its  terms  to  his  own 
advantage.     Without  strength  of  purpose  either 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  199 

to  break  his  Christian  shackles,  or  to  take  the 
initiative  once  more  against  his  father,  he  re- 
mained inactive  at  his  new  capital,  until  the  dis- 
covery in  1484  of  a  plot  amongst  his  garrison  to  sell 
him  to  his  uncle  "El  Zagal"  sent  him  in  hot  flight 
to  Cordova.  The  sovereigns  somewhat  con- 
temptuously granted  him  an  asylum.  He  was 
a  pawn  in  their  game  they  could  not  afford  to 
ignore;  but  their  hatred  of  the  Infidel,  combined 
with  the  self-reliance  that  was  so  marked  a  feature 
of  both  their  characters,  inspired  them  with  Httle 
pity  for  his  helplessness. 

Muley  Hacen,  in  the  meantime,  had  fallen  heir 
to  the  ill-luck  that  seemed  to  dog  the  rulers  of 
Granada;  for,  in  his  efforts  to  satisfy  the  popular 
demand  for  Moorish  victories,  his  army  suffered 
in  the  autumn  of  1483  a  defeat  approaching  the 
disaster  of  Lucena.  The  fault  did  not  lie  in  the  cal- 
ibre of  the  troops,  mainly  recruited  from  the 
half-savage  Berbers  who  inhabited  the  mountains 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ronda  and  Malaga,  nor 
with  its  famous  commander  Hamet  "El  Zegri, " 
who  lived  but  to  shed  Christian  blood.  It  lay 
rather,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Christian  routs  at 
Ajarquia  and  Loja,  in  the  futility  of  an  isolated 
expedition,  with  the  enemy  everywhere  on  the 
watch.     Surprised  and  outnumbered  by  the  levies 


200  Isabel  of  Castile  I1484- 

of  Andalusia  and  the  Holy  Brotherhood,  the  Moors 
after  a  fierce  struggle  on  the  banks  of  the  Lopera 
broke  and  fled,  leaving  many  of  their  generals 
dead  or  captured.  Hamet  "El  Zegri"  himself 
escaped,  but  fifteen  of  his  standards  were  carried 
to  Vittoria,  where  the  sovereigns  celebrated  their 
triumph  by  illuminations  and  religious  processions. 

The  battle  of  Lopera  was  followed  by  the  reduc- 
tion of  numerous  Moorish  strongholds  on  the 
western  frontier,  that  were  now  too  weak  to 
withstand  the  Christian  advance.  Most  joyful  of 
all  was  the  recapture  of  Zahara,  whose  fall  had 
marked  the  original  outbreak  of  the  war.  This 
triumph  won  for  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz,  its  prin- 
cipal hero,  the  title  "Duke  of  Zahara";  but  he 
declined  to  surrender  the  name  under  which  he 
had  gained  so  many  laurels,  and  compromised  by 
styling  himself  Marquis-Duke  of  Cadiz. 

The  culminating  moment  of  the  campaign 
was  the  capture  of  Ronda  in  May,  1485.  This 
town,  believed  by  its  defenders  impregnable, 
stood  on  the  summit  of  a  precipice  six  hundred 
feet  high. 

Its  walls  [says  a  modern  traveller,  impressed  by  the 
grandeur  even  of  its  ruins]  are  built  on  the  very  edge  of 
the  cliff  and  look  as  weather-beaten  and  as  solid. 
Indeed  one  could  hardly  tell  where  wall  begins  and 


RONDA,    THE    TAJO    OR    CHASM 
FROM  A  PHOTOGRAPH  BY  LACOSTE,    MADRIO 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  201 

rock  ends  but  for  the  Moresque  arches  that  span  the 
rents  in  the  face  of  the  cHff  to  afford  a  firm  basis  for 
the  continuous  fortification. 

To  this  stronghold  Hamet  "El  Zegri"  had 
retired  after  his  crushing  defeat  at  Lopera;  but, 
being  informed  that  the  Christians  were  meditat- 
ing a  second  attack  on  Loja,  he  hastily  sent  part 
of  his  garrison  to  assist  "El  Zagal"  in  its  defence. 
This  did  not,  however,  satisfy  his  own  desire  for 
vengeance,  and  believing  that  his  enemies  were 
occupied  elsewhere  he  sallied  out  with  a  contingent 
of  his  fiercest  troops  to  lay  waste  the  Duchy  of 
Medina-Sidonia.  His  immediate  mission  was 
successful;  but  Hamet  "El  Zegri"  soon  found 
his  joy  turned  to  ashes.  His  cunning  had  been 
overreached. 

A  portion  of  the  Christian  army  had  in  truth 
set  out  in  the  direction  of  Loja ;  but  the  main  body, 
under  the  command  of  Ferdinand  himself,  the 
Marquis-Duke  of  Cadiz,  and  other  great  Castilian 
generals,  only  waited  till  this  subterfuge  should 
take  effect  to  march  on  Ronda.  With  them  went 
their  deadly  train  of  artillery;  and  soon  the  walls 
and  towers  were  battered  from  three  sides,  with- 
out those  within  being  able  to  retaliate.  Breaches 
were  made,  and  through  these  the  Castilian  chiv- 
alry rushed  to  the  assault,  driving  before  them  up 


202  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

the  streets  the  diminished  garrison.  At  length  a 
knight,  more  intrepid  than  the  rest,  leaping  from 
roof  to  roof  along  the  low  white  houses,  planted 
his  banner  on  the  principal  mosque.  His  action 
completed  the  enemy's  despair;  and  on  Ferdinand's 
offer  of  generous  terms  the  inhabitants  surrendered. 

Had  they  known  it,  even  while  they  bargained, 
help  was  on  the  way;  for  Hamet  "El  Zegri,"  driv- 
ing before  him  the  herds  of  Medina-Sidonia,  was 
returning  across  the  mountains,  when  the  sound 
of  distant  cannon  and  falling  masonry  caused  him 
and  his  men  to  put  spurs  to  their  horses.  It  was 
nightfall  when  they  arrived  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Ronda,  and  descending  from  the  mountains, 
sword  in  hand,  attacked  the  sleeping  camp.  Up 
and  down  the  precipitous  slopes  the  battle  raged, 
but,  fierce  as  each  onslaught  proved,  the  Castilians 
beat  it  back;  and  "El  Zegri,"  at  length  acknow- 
ledging his  defeat,  withdrew  in  sullen  fury.  Ronda 
had  fallen,  and  the  western  frontier  of  the  Moorish 
kingdom  was  in  Christian  hands. 

Such  a  loss  did  not  help  to  rebuild  Muley 
Hacen's  military  reputation;  indeed  there  was 
murmuring  in  Granada  that  no  land  could  prosper 
whose  ruler  was  almost  in  his  dotage,  unable 
either  to  lead  his  armies  or  to  cope  with  the  work 
of  government.    Things  would  have  been  different, 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  203 

if  only  their  King  had  been  a  hero  like  his  brother 
Abdallah  "El  Zagal,"  "the  Valiant." 

Muley  Hacen,  both  weary  of  war  and  intrigue 
and  terrified  lest  the  populace  in  their  anger  should 
clamour  for  his  death,  hastily  abdicated;  where- 
upon El  Zagal,  who  had  only  been  awaiting  a 
favourable  opportunity  to  seize  the  throne,  hur- 
ried to  the  capital.  Fortune  threw  a  glamour  over 
his  advent;  for,  as  he  passed  through  the  Sierra 
Nevada,  he  surprised  by  chance  a  body  of  Chris- 
tian knights  enjoying  a  halt  in  one  of  the  fertile 
valleys.  These  were  Knights  of  the  Order  of 
Calatrava,  sent  out  from  Alhama  to  forage  for  the 
garrison ;  but  the  success  of  their  raid  had  rendered 
them  careless,  and  no  sentry  warned  them  of  the 
enemy's  approach.  Dismounted  and  scattered, 
some  without  arms,  and  none  fully  prepared,  they 
broke  before  the  thunder  of  the  Moorish  cavalry; 
and  "El  Zagal "  and  his  men  entered  Granada  with 
a  train  of  captives  and  the  heads  of  those  whom 
they  had  slain  hanging  from  their  saddles. 

It  was  an  omen  to  delight  the  patriotic;  but  the 
new  Sultan's  peace  of  mind  was  soon  rudely 
shaken,  for  Muley  Hacen  died  within  the  year, 
and  rumour  at  once  connected  his  sudden  end  with 
the  brother  who  had  usurped  his  power.  Boabdil 
also,  from  his  refuge  at  Cordova,  declared  himself 


204  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

the  undoubted  King  of  Granada  now  that  his 
father  was  no  more,  and  the  sovereigns,  who  saw 
their  way  to  fomenting  new  discord  amongst  their 
enemies,  instantly  offered  him  any  assistance  in 
their  power. 

Boabdil,  Abdallah  "El  Chico"  "the  Young,"  as 
he  was  often  called  to  distinguish  him  from  his 
rival  Abdallah,  "El  Zagal, "  could  count  as  well 
on  the  support  of  many  Moorish  families  who 
hated  and  feared  his  uncle;  and  though  on  the 
whole  the  chances  of  the  duel  were  against  him, 
yet  the  issue  was  sufficiently  doubtful  to  make 
both  parties  willing  to  compromise.  In  the  end 
a  treaty  of  partition  was  signed.  By  this  "El 
Zagal"  kept  the  seaboard  with  the  important 
towns  of  Almeria,  Malaga,  and  Velez,  the  moun- 
tainous tract  of  the  Alpuj  arras  famous  for  its 
warriors,  and  half  the  town  of  Granada  with  the 
palace  of  the  Alhambra.  To  Boabdil  were  left 
the  Alcazaba  and  poorer  quarter  of  the  city,  with 
all  the  northern  part  of  the  kingdom  adjoining 
Andalusia. 

Delighted  to  be  once  more  sovereign  in  his  own 
land,  the  young  Sultan  sent  to  inform  his  Christian 
patrons  of  the  settlement  he  had  made,  begging 
them  in  virtue  of  his  submission  to  spare  his  terri- 
tories in  their  future  invasions.    Such  a  concession 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  205 

was  far  from  Ferdinand's  thoughts ;  and  he  replied 
by  denouncing  his  vassal  as  a  traitor  who  had  per- 
fidiously allied  himself  with  the  open  enemies  of 
Castile.  At  the  same  time  he  and  his  army  ad- 
vanced on  Loja,  one  of  the  few  important  towns 
that  had  been  left  to  Boabdil,  and  whose  possession 
the  Christians  had  long  desired  in  order  to  estab- 
lish easy  commimication  with  their  outpost  of 
Alhama. 

The  unfortunate  Abdallah  "El  Chico, "  victim 
alike  of  craft  and  circumstances,  collected  his 
Moorish  supporters  and  sallied  out  to  the  relief 
of  his  city  with  what  show  of  scorn  and  defiance 
he  could  muster,  hoping  by  personal  bravery  to 
triumph  over  those  whose  skill  and  cunning  he  had 
learned  to  dread.  The  ensuing  combat,  according 
to  the  chronicles,  was  marked  on  both  sides  by 
striking  deeds  of  valour,  but  perhaps  the  honour  of 
the  day  rested,  amongst  the  Christians  at  least, 
with  an  English  noble,  who  had  lately  joined  in  the 
crusade  with  some  four  hundred  foot-soldiers  of 
his  nation,  armed  with  bows  and  axes. 

This  knight,  called  by  his  Spanish  allies  the 
"Conde  de  Escalas"  from  his  family  name  of 
Scales,  finding  the  scope  for  cavalry  action  too 
restricted  for  his  taste,  dismounted  and  led  his 
men  to  an  assault  on  the  walls  of  Loja.     He  was 


2o6  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

already  mounting  a  ladder,  when  a  stone  well- 
aimed  from  above  caught  him  full  on  the  face, 
hurling  him  to  the  ground,  and  he  was  with  dif- 
ficulty extricated  and  carried  to  his  tent.  Here  it 
was  discovered  that  the  blow  had  deprived  him 
of  two  of  his  front  teeth,  a  loss  likely  to  disturb 
the  equanimity  of  a  cavalier  of  fashion  however 
courageous.  The  Conde  de  Escalas  nevertheless 
rose  to  the  occasion;  and  when  the  King,  going  to 
visit  him  during  his  convalescence  as  a  mark  of 
favour,  condoled  with  him  on  what  he  had  suffered, 
he  replied  cheerfully:  "God  Who  hath  made  this 
building,  my  body,  hath  but  opened  a  door,  that 
He  may  the  more  clearly  see  what  passeth  within." 
Rewarded  for  his  assistance  and  valorous  deeds  by 
rich  gifts  he  departed  not  long  afterwards  to  his 
own  land. 

Of  the  Moors,  both  Boabdil  and  his  principal 
general,  Hamet  "El  Zegri,"  were  wounded,  and 
after  negotiations  with  the  young  Gonsalvo  de 
Cordova  on  behalf  of  the  Christians,  consented 
to  the  capitulation  of  Loja  on  the  29th  of  May, 
i486.  The  terms  were  sufficiently  humiliating  to 
punish  Boabdil  well  for  his  supposed  perfidy;  for 
he  agreed  to  surrender  his  title  "King  of  Granada '* 
and  to  become  merely  Duke  of  Guadix,  with  the 
lordship  of  that  town,  if  within  six  months  he  or  his 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  207 

Christian  allies  should  succeed  in  wresting  it  from 
his  uncle.  On  the  latter  he  promised  to  make  un- 
ceasing war.  In  contrast  to  this  severity,  the  in- 
habitants of  Loja  were  allowed  to  depart  where  they 
would,  carrying  with  them  their  movable  property. 

The  capture  of  the  famous  "Flower  among  the 
Thorns"  opened  up  a  way  into  the  heart  of  Gra- 
nada, of  which  the  Christians  were  not  slow  to  take 
advantage,  its  possession  being  quickly  followed 
by  the  reduction  of  several  Moorish  fortresses  of 
minor  importance.  To  the  camp  before  Moclin, 
one  of  these  strongholds,  came  the  Queen  herself  to 
share  in  the  triumph  of  her  army,  and  with  her  the 
Infanta  Isabel,  now  a  Princess  of  marriageable  age. 

The  Curate  of  Los  Palacios  has  described  the 
scene  of  her  arrival  with  a  minute  attention  to 
detail  that  would  have  made  his  fortune  as  a 
modern  journalist  of  fashions.  From  him  we 
know  the  exact  costumes  worn,  not  only  by  the 
Queen  and  her  daughter,  but  by  Ferdinand  and  the 
young  English  Conde  de  Escalas  who  rode  in  his 
train,  while  we  are  given  a  curious  little  picture 
of  the  formal  greeting  between  husband  and  wife. 

Before  they  embraced,  they  bent  low  each  of  them 
three  times  in  reverence,  and  the  Queen  took  off  her 
hat,  so  that  she  remained  in  her  coif  with  her  face 
uncovered;  and  the  King  came  to  her  and  embraced 


2o8  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

her  and  kissed  her  on  the  cheek.  Afterwards  he 
went  to  his  daughter  and  embraced  and  kissed 
her  also,  making  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  token  of 
his  blessing. 

Isabel  remained  with  the  Christian  forces  for 
the  rest  of  the  campaign;  while  in  the  following 
spring  she  and  Ferdinand  collected  a  new  army 
at  Cordova,  mainly  recruited  from  the  levies  of 
Andalusia.  It  was  their  intention  to  attack  the 
town  of  Velez-Malaga,  now  left  high  and  dry,  but 
then  a  flourishing  seaport,  situated  at  the  ex- 
tremity of  a  long  ridge  of  mountains  stretching 
down  to  the  Mediterranean.  Its  capture  would 
not  only  lay  bare  the  fertile  valley  to  the  west,  but 
would  also  insert  a  hostile  wedge  between  the 
important  city  of  Malaga  some  five  miles  distant 
and  the  capital,  where  El  Zagal  maintained  his 
uneasy  throne. 

The  relations  between  the  rival  Sultans  had 
not  been  improved  by  the  capitulation  of  Loja ;  and 
soon  afterwards  an  unsuccessful  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  uncle  to  poison  his  nephew  had  led  to 
renewed  struggles  in  Granada  itself.  Boabdil,  in 
his  eagerness  for  revenge  had  appealed  to  Ferdi- 
nand for  help ;  but  the  commander  of  the  Christian 
troops  sent  to  the  scene  of  action,  while  pretending 
to  lend  support,  contented  himself  with  fomenting 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  209 

the  discord  that  he  found,  thus  encouraging  the 
"King  of  the  Alhambra"  and  the  "King  of  the 
Albaycin"  to  work  their  mutual  destruction. 

When  the  news  came  that  the  Christian  army 
had  pitched  its  camp  before  Velez-Malaga,  bring- 
ing with  it  all  its  heavy  guns,  "El  Zagal"  was  torn 
with  indecision.  To  go  to  the  assistance  of  the 
besieged  was  to  leave  his  palace  of  the  Alhambra 
exposed  to  Boabdil's  attack;  to  stay  was  to  sacri- 
fice an  important  harbour,  besides  losing  his 
popularity  with  the  inhabitants  of  Granada,  who 
looked  to  him  for  the  deeds  of  valour  befitting  his 
name.  His  choice  was  that  of  the  warrior;  and 
the  despairing  inhabitants  of  Velez-Malaga  who 
were  on  the  point  of  surrender  rejoiced  to  see  the 
mountains  lit  up  with  bonfires,  warning  them  of 
their  Sultan's  approach.  The  Christians  on  their 
part  were  fully  prepared  to  defend  their  camp; 
the  bravest  of  their  chivalry  under  the  Marquis- 
Duke  of  Cadiz  opposed  themselves  again  and 
again  to  the  Moorish  onslaughts,  until  "El  Zagal" 
was  beaten  back  in  confusion  from  Velez-Malaga 
as  Hamet  "El  Zegri"  had  been  from  Ronda. 

The  capitulation  of  the  town  followed  at  the  end 

of  April,  1487 ;  and  then  the  Christian  army  pushed 

forward  to  Malaga,  a  port  famous  for  its  commerce 

from  the  days  of  Phoenician  traders.     The  en- 

14 


2IO  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

thusiasm  of  the  troops  was  raised  to  white  heat  by 
success  and  by  the  personal  bravery  of  Ferdinand, 
who,  on  one  occasion  during  the  late  siege,  seeing 
a  company  of  Castilians  about  to  retreat,  had 
hurled  himself  on  the  enemy  armed  only  with  his 
breastplate  and  sword.  On  the  remonstrances  of 
his  generals,  who  besought  him  in  future  to  re- 
member what  his  death  would  cost  them,  he  replied : 
"  I  cannot  see  my  men  in  difficulties  and  not  go  to 
their  aid."  It  was  an  answer  more  likely  to 
endear  him  to  Castilian  hearts  than  any  act  of 
legislation. 

The  courage  that  inspired  the  Christians  was 
not  lacking  in  Malaga,  where  the  fierce  Hamet  "  El 
Zegri"  and  his  garrison  had  pledged  themselves 
to  starve  rather  than  yield.  The  fire  of  the  heavy 
lombards,  disembarked  from  the  Castilian  ships 
and  pointed  on  the  Moorish  towers  and  ramparts, 
was  answered  by  cannon  equally  deadly  in  their 
aim;  the  mines  planted  deep  behind  trenches  were 
met  by  counter-mines;  the  Christian  raids  on  the 
suburbs  by  midnight  sallies  of  such  unexpected 
ferocity  that  often  massacre  ensued,  until  rein- 
forcements at  length  drove  the  invaders  back  to 
their  walls. 

The  summer  months  passed  slowly;  and  hunger 
and  pestilence  added  their  gaunt  spectres  to  the 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  211 

sufferings  of  the  besieged.  In  vain  Ferdinand, 
courting  a  speedy  surrender,  sent  messengers  to 
offer  generous  terms,  such  as  he  had  granted  at 
Ronda  and  Loja ;  in  vain  he  threatened  the  alterna- 
tive of  slavery  in  case  of  prolonged  resistance;  in 
vain  the  more  peace-loving  citizens  pleaded  with 
their  governor  to  accept  a  settlement  that  would 
save  the  prosperity  of  their  port.  Hamet  "El 
Zegri"  returned  a  scornful  refusal.  Soon,  he 
declared  the  rainy  season  would  begin,  and  the 
Christian  camp  would  be  turned  into  a  swamp, 
fit  breeding-groimd  for  death  in  all  its  forms. 
Malaga  had  only  to  hold  firm  to  triumph.  What 
matter  if  the  victory  cost  her  the  ruin  of  her 
commerce?  It  was  a  question  to  which  garrison 
and  merchants  returned  a  different  answer. 

In  the  meanwhile  Isabel  had  appeared  in  person 
at  the  Christian  camp,  not,  as  the  Moors  expected, 
to  persuade  her  husband  to  raise  the  siege,  but  to 
second  his  efforts.  Her  presence  was  heralded  by 
the  fire  of  all  the  guns  at  once,  a  thunder  that 
shook  Malaga  to  its  foundations  and  filled  Castilian 
hearts  with  pride.  Fanaticism  was  now  to  play  its 
part  in  the  history  of  the  siege,  persuading  Hamet 
"El  Zegri"  and  his  supporters  of  divine  inter- 
position, when  all  human  aid  had  failed  them. 
Their  first  would-be  saviour  was  a  certain  Abraham 


212  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

"El  Gerbi,"  a  dervish  of  holy  Hfe  imbued  with  a 
hatred  of  the  Christians.  This  man,  gathering  to 
his  standard  some  four  hundred  warriors  of 
Guadix,  whom  he  had  inspired  with  the  belief  that 
he  was  protected  by  the  angels  of  Mahomet,  led 
them  to  an  attack  on  the  camp  before  Malaga. 
Had  his  efforts  ended  here  the  incident  would  have 
been  speedily  forgotten,  for  in  spite  of  its  bravery 
the  band  of  fanatics  was  too  small  to  create  more 
than  a  momentary  panic.  Abraham  "El  Gerbi," 
however,  was  captured  alive.  No  one  suspected 
in  that  saintly  face  and  wasted  form  the  man  who 
had  planned  the  mad  expedition;  and  when  the 
old  dervish  declared  himself  a  prophet,  and  begged 
for  an  interview  with  the  King  and  Queen  that  he 
might  explain  how  Malaga  could  be  taken,  the 
Marquis-Duke  of  Cadiz  led  him  at  once  to 
headquarters. 

There  was  some  delay  in  seeing  the  sovereigns, 
so  the  prisoner  was  made  to  wait  in  a  neighbouring 
tent,  where  a  Portuguese  Prince,  Don  Alvaro,  a 
cousin  of  the  Queen,  and  Beatriz  de  Bobadilla, 
Marchioness  of  Moya,  were  playing  chess.  Unable 
to  understand  Castilian,  the  dervish  believed  the 
players  the  object  of  his  fanatical  hatred,  and, 
drawing  a  knife  he  had  concealed  in  the  folds  of  his 
cloak,  he  attacked  the  Prince,  wounding  him  in  the 


1492]  The  F'all  of  Granada  213 

head.  Next  he  hurled  himself  on  the  Marchion- 
ess of  Moya,  but  before  he  could  achieve  his  pur- 
pose the  swords  of  those  standing  by  had  ended 
his  life.  That  night  the  body  of  Abraham  "El 
Gerbi"  was  hurled  by  Christian  catapults  into 
the  Moorish  town. 

It  would  seem  as  if  Malaga's  faith  in  dervishes 
might  have  been  shaken;  but  a  new  prophet 
shortly  appeared,  this  time  within  the  city,  pledg- 
ing himself  by  a  certain  sacred  banner  to  bring 
victory  to  Moorish  arms.  His  preaching,  seconded 
by  Hamet  "El  Zegri's"  fiery  patriotism,  stirred 
the  flagging  energy  of  the  besieged  to  a  more 
desperate  sally  than  any  that  had  yet  been  made. 
Out  of  the  city  they  poured,  the  white  standard 
floating  at  their  head,  and  before  this  unexpected 
avalanche  of  spears  and  scimitars  the  Christians 
for  the  moment  quailed;  the  next,  their  courage 
returning,  they  closed  upon  their  foes  from  all 
sides.  The  battle  wavered,  then  a  stone  from  a 
catapult  struck  the  dervish  prophet  down,  and 
with  a  shout  of  triumph  the  Christians  saw  the 
sacred  banner  fall  and  drove  back  the  Moors, 
routed  and  dismayed,  within  the  walls  of  Malaga. 

The  city  was  doomed.  Even  Hamet  "El 
Zegri"  acknowledged  this,  and  leaving  the  citizens 
to  their  fate,  withdrew  with  some  of  his  warriors 


214  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

into  the  fortress  of  the  Gibralfaro;  but  the  offers 
of  peace  and  safety  he  had  before  derided  could  be 
no  longer  claimed.  Fanaticism  had  left  its  mark 
also  on  the  Christian  camp;  and  amongst  the 
Castilian  soldiery  the  enemy's  entreaties  for  life 
and  freedom  were  met  by  threats  of  a  general 
massacre. 

Since  hunger  and  not  good-will  prompts  you  to  the 
surrender  of  your  city  [said  the  Chief  Commander  of 
Leon,  replying  to  an  embassy  from  Malaga],  either 
defend  yourselves  or  submit  to  whatever  sentence 
shall  be  pleasing  to  the  King  and  Queen; — to  wit, 
death  to  those  for  whom  it  is  destined,  slavery  to 
those  for  whom  slavery. 

It  was  a  bitter  answer;  and  only  sheer  necessity 
drove  Malaga  to  a  submission  from  which  she 
could  hope  so  little.  Amid  fear  and  wailing,  the 
capitulation  was  signed,  and  on  August  20th, 
the  sovereigns  made  their  triumphal  entry  into 
the  city.  Hamet  "El  Zegri"  still  withstood  their 
power  in  the  Gibralfaro,  but  treachery  amongst 
his  garrison  at  length  led  to  his  betrayal,  and  the 
whole  of  Malaga  lay  at  the  Christian  mercy.  Its 
renegades,  where  they  were  discovered,  were  put 
to  death,  and  on  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  the 
sovereigns  passed  the  sentence  of  perpetual  slav- 
ery;— so   many    to   be   distributed   amongst   the 


i    2 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  215 

Castilian  nobles,  so  many  to  be  sold  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  treasury,  so  many  apportioned  for  the 
ransom  of  Christian  slaves  in  Africa.  A  picked 
group  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  warriors  were 
dispatched  to  the  Pope  as  fruits  of  the  crusade, 
while  the  Queen  of  Portugal  and  the  Queen  of 
Naples  each  received  fifty  of  the  fairest  maidens. 
"The  fate  of  Malaga,"  says  Prescott,  "may  be 
said  to  have  decided  that  of  Granada."  Cut  off 
entirely  from  the  western  part  of  the  kingdom, 
that  had  proved  so  valuable  a  storehouse  of  men 
and  the  necessaries  of  life,  she  lay  ringed  round  by 
enemies,  who  only  awaited  the  moment  to  strike 
her  death-blow.  Yet  for  this  low  estate  to  which 
she  had  fallen  she  could  not  hold  herself  blameless. 
In  her  passionate  distrust  of  failure  she  had  made 
and  unmade  her  rulers,  regardless  of  the  handicap 
thus  placed  upon  their  actions.  "El  Zagal"  had 
been  right  in  his  fears  for  his  throne,  when  he 
sallied  forth  to  the  relief  of  Velez- Malaga.  The 
dread  of  the  fickle  populace  he  had  left  behind 
him  had  hung  over  his  wild  encounters  with  the 
chivalry  of  Spain;  and  when  he  returned,  beaten 
but  patriotic  and  valorous  as  of  old,  it  was  to  find 
the  gates  of  the  capital  closed  against  him,  and  his 
rival  Sultan,  not  only  of  the  Albaycin,  but  the 
Alhambra.      In  bitterness   of   spirit   he   marched 


2i6  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

eastwards  to  protect  the  cities  of  Guadix,  Baeza, 
and  Almeria,  that  still  remained  loyal  to  his 
cause ;  and  it  was  against  these  that  the  Catholic 
sovereigns  planned  their  next  campaign. 

The  early  part  of  the  year  1488  they  spent  in 
Aragon,  settling  the  affairs  of  that  kingdom,  and 
receiving  the  acknowledgment  by  the  national 
Cortes  of  Prince  John,  now  a  boy  of  ten  as  heir  to 
the  Spanish  throne.  By  June,  however,  Ferdinand 
arrived  in  Murcia  and  soon  pushed  southwards 
with  a  large  army;  but  the  campaign  was  not 
destined  to  follow  the  glorious  lines  of  its  prede- 
cessor. El  Zagal,  from  his  headquarters  at  Guadix, 
and  his  brother-in-law  Cid  Haya  at  Baeza  knew 
the  country  well,  and  were  on  the  watch  for  the 
least  rash  or  mistaken  move  that  their  opponents 
might  commit.  Several  of  the  smaller  fortresses 
succumbed  to  Castilian  lombards;  but  such  gains 
were  fully  counterbalanced  by  a  repulse  from 
Almeria,  and  a  well-planned  ambush,  from  which 
the  Marquis-Duke  of  Cadiz  only  extricated  him- 
self and  his  troops  with  considerable  difficulty 
and  loss. 

Ferdinand,  despairing  of  further  efforts  at  the 
moment,  withdrew  to  winter  at  Valladolid;  but  in 
the  next  spring  he  and  Queen  Isabel  appeared  in 
Jaen,  determined  on  the  reduction  of  Baeza,  the 


^492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  217 

most  important  town  in  eastern  Granada.  The 
preparations  were  on  a  scale  that  surpassed  all 
former  efforts  of  the  kind;  for  the  neighbouring 
country  with  its  thick  orchards  and  easily  flooded 
rivers  was  difficult  and  treacherous;  while  the 
inhabitants  were  even  more  hostile  to  the  Chris- 
tians than  their  western  compatriots. 

The  cornfields  of  Baeza  had  not  ripened  at  the 
time  of  the  enemy's  advance;  but  the  grain  was 
already  cut  and  stored  within  the  city  lest  the 
hated  unbelievers  should  reap  it  for  their  own 
consumption.  The  supply  of  food  was  but  one  of 
the  many  pressing  problems  that  the  sovereigns 
were  called  on  to  solve;  and,  as  the  time  passed, 
Ferdinand  was  almost  tempted  to  raise  his  camp 
and  retire  until  he  should  have  made  himself  mas- 
ter of  the  surrounding  district.  To  this  policy  he 
was  urged  by  the  majority  of  his  generals,  who 
contrasted  the  massive  fortifications  of  Baeza,  her 
hardy  soldiers,  and  her  stores  of  provisions,  with 
the  Christian  lines,  then  threatened  by  inunda- 
tions of  water  and  decimated  by  disease. 

Don  Gutierre  de  Cardenas,  Commander  of 
Leon,  alone  protested  against  a  retreat  that  would 
represent  the  waste  of  so  much  labour  and  money ; 
and  he  was  to  find  a  staunch  supporter  in  the 
Queen,  who  from  Jaen  implored  her  husband  not 


2i8  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

to  listen  to  advice  as  cowardly  as  it  was  mistaken. 
If  he  would  continue  the  campaign,  she  on  her 
part  pledged  herself  to  keep  a  line  of  commu- 
nication open,  pouring  daily  into  the  camp  all 
that  it  should  require  in  the  way  of  food  or 
ammunition. 

The  chroniclers  have  left  us  minute  accounts 
of  her  labours  to  this  end,  carried  through  with 
the  characteristic  thoroughness  that  had  so  often 
brought  her  success.  The  purchase  of  the  crops 
of  Andalusia  and  the  lands  belonging  to  the  Mili- 
tary Orders;  the  transference  of  this  grain  and 
hay  by  a  procession  of  fourteen  thousand  mules 
to  the  seat  of  war  and  the  outposts  already  in 
Christian  hands;  the  repair  of  the  roads,  worn  by 
traffic  and  the  heavy  rains,  by  the  vigilance  of  an 
army  of  engineers,  kept  ever  at  hand  for  the  pur- 
pose; the  enrollment  of  fresh  troops  and  workmen 
to  replace  those  lives  lost  in  the  great  crusade; 
most  arduous  of  all  the  continual  disbursement 
of  the  money  that  came  so  slowly  again  into  the 
royal  treasury.  At  times  the  attempt  to  adjust 
the  balance  between  demand  and  supply  appeared 
impossible;  and  rents  and  subsidies  failed  as  ex- 
penses grew,  but  Isabel's  hand  on  the  helm  of 
affairs  never  wavered.  The  crown  jewels  were 
pawned  to  the  merchants  of  Valencia  and  Barce- 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  219 

lona,  but  the  campaign  against  Baeza  did  not 
slacken. 

Ferdinand  and  his  generals,  certain  of  support 
from  their  base  of  operations,  took  new  heart; 
and  to  the  dismay  of  the  besieged  huts  made  of 
clay  and  timber  began  to  replace  the  old  tents,  and 
traders  to  appear  with  their  merchandise  of  com- 
forts and  luxuries,  till  the  camp  gradually  assumed 
the  air  of  a  permanent  settlement  or  village. 

To  it  amongst  other  strangers  came  Franciscan 
friars  from  the  Holy  Land,  bearing  despatches 
from  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  in  which  he  complained 
of  the  destruction  that  was  being  wrought  against 
the  Mahometans  in  Spain.  Unless  such  hostility 
ceased,  he  declared  his  intention  of  venting  his 
wrath  on  any  Christians  he  might  find  in  Palestine. 
The  sovereigns,  in  answer,  protested  their  right 
to  reconquer  the  kingdom  of  Granada  which  had 
belonged  to  their  ancestors;  but  they  expressed 
their  willingness  to  deal  kindly  by  such  Moors  as 
proved  themselves  good  subjects.  Not  content 
with  explaining  the  situation  by  letter  they  even 
sent  an  embassy  to  the  Sultan  some  years  later, 
with  Peter  Martyr,  the  young  Italian  noble  who 
had  been  an  eye-witness  of  so  much  of  the  war,  at 
its  head ;  and  his  eloquence  succeeded  in  establish- 
ing friendly  relations. 


220  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

In  November,  1489,  Isabel  herself  visited  the 
camp ;  and  Cid  Haya,  with  that  courtesy  that  often 
lent  so  fine  a  shade  to  mediaeval  warfare,  granted  a 
truce  that  she  might  go  and  inspect  the  farthest 
trenches  and  outposts  in  safety.  Pulgar  declares 
enthusiastically  that  her  advent  changed  the  whole 
spirit  of  the  campaign,  putting  an  end  to  the 
vindictive  bitterness  that  had  hitherto  marked  the 
contest  on  either  side.  Moors  and  Christians  alike 
were  weary  of  fighting;  and  Cid  Haya,  who  had 
none  of  Hamet  "El  Zegri's"  fierce  intolerance, 
recognized  that  he  was  waging  a  lost  cause  and 
decided  to  make  good  terms  while  he  was  in  a 
position  to  do  so.  At  the  beginning  of  December, 
Baeza  capitulated  on  the  promise  of  security  of 
life  and  property  for  all  its  defenders  and  inhabi- 
tants ;  with  the  proviso  that  they  might  live  if  they 
chose  as  Castilian  subjects,  keeping  their  own 
religion  and  laws. 

Cid  Haya  himself  was  received  by  the  sovereigns 
with  such  marked  attention  and  honour  that  he 
was  speedily  led  to  abjure  his  faith  and  become 
a  Christian,  marrying  in  later  years  one  of  the 
Queen's  favourite  ladies-in-waiting.  His  first  ser- 
vice to  his  new  masters  was  to  visit  his  brother-in- 
law,  "El  Zagal,"  at  Guadix  and  to  persuade  him 
of  the  futility  of  further  resistance.    Almeria  had 


1493]  The  Fall  of  Granada  221 

already  surrendered,  and  but  for  Guadix  no  inde- 
pendent city  of  importance  remained  save  Granada, 
with  whom  there  could  be  no  hope  of  any  alliance. 

"El  Zagal, "  bowing  his  pride  to  necessity, 
agreed  to  a  treaty  of  capitulation  that  left  him  the 
title  "King  of  Andaraz"  with  the  district  of  that 
name  and  a  considerable  revenue;  but  he  did  not 
possess  Cid  Haya's  light-hearted  temperament, 
and  soon  found  Hfe  in  Spain  intolerable  under  the 
new  conditions.  Determined  to  break  with  all 
that  could  remind  him  of  his  lost  glory,  he  sold 
his  estates  to  Ferdinand  and  sailed  to  Africa ;  but 
he  was  to  experience  worse  treatment  at  the  hands 
of  co-religionists  than  from  his  Christian  foes. 
A  tale  of  his  wealth  had  spread  abroad,  and  the 
King  of  Fez  at  once  proceeded  to  rob  and  imprison 
him.  When  at  length  he  gained  his  freedom,  "El 
Zagal,"  the  once  vahant  warrior  king,  whose 
name  had  been  the  terror  of  the  Andalusian  border, 
had  fallen  to  beggary,  and  blind  and  ragged 
sought  alms  from  door  to  door,  until  a  man  who 
had  known  him  in  prosperity  took  pity  on  him 
and  granted  him  an  asylum. 

With  the  conquest  of  eastern  Granada,  the 
Moorish  war  entered  on  its  last  phase.  Boabdil 
was  nominally  at  peace  with  Castile ;  but  pretexts 
were  not  lacking  to  embroil  him  afresh,  as  soon 


222  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

as  the  close  of  the  struggle  with  his  uncle  left 
Ferdinand  and  Isabel  free  to  embark  on  a  fresh 
campaign. 

By  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  of  Loja 
Boabdil  had  agreed  to  surrender  his  claims  to  the 
throne  on  the  capture  of  Guadix,  and  to  retire 
to  that  city  with  the  title  of  Duke.  The  sovereigns 
now  demanded  the  fulfilment  of  this  promise;  but 
the  outlook  had  changed  since  the  days  when  the 
young  Sultan  had  been  merely  doubtful  "  King  of 
the  Albaycin,"  and  knew  not  if  the  next  week  would 
find  him  in  exile.  Lord  of  the  whole  of  Granada, 
the  prospect  of  the  Duchy  of  Guadix  was  not 
alluring  to  his  ambitions;  nor,  had  he  wished  to 
surrender,  was  he  in  a  position  to  do  so.  Raised 
to  the  throne  by  all  the  martial  element  in  the 
kingdom,  that  had  not  bowed  the  knee  before  the 
Cross,  his  very  life  depended  on  his  popularity 
with  the  fierce  warriors  of  the  Alpuj  arras  and  the 
rest  of  the  Moorish  soldiery,  who  for  one  reason 
or  another  were  pledged  to  maintain  the  city's 
independence. 

Thus  it  was  that  the  Christian  demands  were 
met  by  defiance,  and  the  sovereigns  provided  with 
an  excuse  for  prosecuting  the  war  to  its  bitter  end. 
The  Moorish  messengers  had  found  them  in  Se- 
ville,  whither  they  had  gone  in  April,   1490,  to 


BOABDIL,    LAST    KING    OF    GRANADA 
FROM   ALTAMIRA'S    "  HISTORIA   DE   ESPANOLA  • 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  223 

celebrate  the  betrothal  of  their  daughter  Isabel 
with  Don  Alfonso,  the  heir  to  the  Portuguese 
throne;  but,  this  concluded,  Ferdinand  collected 
an  army  and,  crossing  the  Sierra  Elvira,  proceeded 
to  ravage  the  plains  of  Granada.  Within  sight  of 
the  city  he  knighted  his  son  Prince  John,  on  whom 
so  many  hopes  were  centred,  that  in  this  last  act 
of  the  crusade,  inheritance  of  his  race,  the  boy  of 
twelve  might  receive  initiation  into  a  great  future. 

Boabdil,  in  the  meanwhile,  had  not  waited  to  be 
attacked;  and  his  generals,  taking  the  offensive, 
endeavoured  to  recapture  some  of  the  smaller 
fortresses  that  had  fallen  into  Christian  hands, 
besides  stirring  up  revolt  in  the  larger  towns 
which  had  lately  surrendered,  such  as  Guadix  and 
Baeza.  Both  efforts  met  with  a  measure  of  success ; 
for  many  of  the  Moors,  who  had  faithfully  served 
"El  Zagal"  throughout  his  struggles  with  his 
nephew,  were  so  disgusted  at  seeing  his  banner  in 
the  Christian  camp,  and  at  witnessing  the  soft 
complacency  of  Cid  Haya,  that  they  turned 
willingly  from  their  old  allegiance  to  the  Prince 
who  offered  them  deliverance  from  a  foreign  yoke. 

Their  patriotism  came  too  late.  The  hour  had 
passed  when  rebellion  could  do  more  than  tem- 
porarily retard  the  waning  Crescent ;  and  the  pun- 
ishment of  failure  was  meted  out  by  Ferdinand 


224  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

and  his  generals  with  no  unsparing  hand.  Yet  this 
severity  had  its  semblance  of  mercy.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  town  in  question  might  choose  be- 
tween exile  with  their  movable  property,  or  a  full 
judicial  inquiry  into  their  conduct.  Who  were 
guilty?  The  citizens  looked  at  one  another  and 
knew  that  few  would  be  able  to  prove  complete 
innocence  before  a  hostile  judgment  seat,  with 
racial  hatred  holding  the  balance;  and  their 
decision  was  not  long  in  forming. 

From  the  fairest  cities  in  Granada  passed  away 
the  population  that  had  made  her  fame;  and,  as 
the  exiles  sailed  to  Africa,  Castilians  took  posses- 
sion of  their  deserted  homes.  The  Curate  of  Los 
Palacios,  in  the  case  of  Guadix,  congratulates 
himself  on  Ferdinand's  cleverness  in  thus  winning 
this  town  so  completely  from  the  enemies  of  the 
Holy  Catholic  Faith.  "It  is  one  of  the  mysteries 
of  Our  Lord,"  he  adds,  "who  would  by  no  means 
consent  that  so  noble  a  city  should  remain  longer 
in  the  power  of  the  Moors." 

Round  Granada  itself  the  Christian  lines  were 
closing  in;  and  successful  though  arduous  cam- 
paigns into  the  mountains  of  the  Alpuj  arras  had 
cut  off  the  beleaguered  city  from  hope  of  succour 
in  that  direction.  Christian  Europe,  humbled  by 
the  fall  of  Constantinople,  awaited  the  issue  with 


1493]  The  Fall  of  Granada  225 

expectant  joy;  and  it  seemed  in  this  supreme 
moment  as  if  the  chivalry  of  both  the  Crescent  and 
the  Cross,  conscious  of  universal  interest,  were 
inspired  to  a  last  emulation  in  the  quest  of  glory. 
Never  before  in  the  crusade  had  the  sallies  of  the 
besieged  or  the  furious  attacks  of  besiegers  ex- 
hibited such  contempt  of  personal  danger;  never 
before  had  schemes  emanating  from  the  council- 
chamber  been  supplemented  by  such  deeds  of 
individual  bravery. 

Chief  hero  of  these  days  was  the  young  Castilian 
noble,  Hernando  de  Pulgar,  "He  of  the  Exploits," 
as  his  countrymen  proudly  named  him.  Already 
in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  war  he  had  earned  a 
reputation  for  reckless  daring;  but  the  crowning 
touch  to  his  fame  was  given  by  his  midnight  entry 
into  Granada  with  fifteen  companions  of  the  same 
hazard-loving  temperament.  Led  by  a  converted 
Moor,  the  little  band  of  Christians  scaled  the 
walls  and,  making  their  way  through  the  town  by 
deserted  streets,  arrived  unperceived  at  the  princi- 
pal mosque.  Here  Hernando  de  Pulgar  drew  from 
his  pocket  a  strip  of  parchment,  on  which  were 
inscribed  the  words  dear  to  every  Catholic  but 
anathema  to  the  sons  of  Islam,  "Ave  Maria!" 
and  fixed  it  by  his  dagger  to  the  door.  Before  he 
could  follow  up  his  intention  of  setting  fire  to  the 

IS 


226  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

neighbouring  houses,  he  was  discovered ;  but  never- 
theless he  and  his  friends  succeeded  in  making 
their  escape  by  dint  of  hard  riding  and  a  liberal 
use  of  their  swords,  before  the  majority  of  the 
inhabitants  were  even  aware  of  their  inroad. 

It  was  an  action  to  fire  the  imagination  of  all  the 
young  hot-bloods  in  the  camp;  and  when  in  the 
summer  of  1491  Isabel  and  a  number  of  her  ladies- 
in-waiting  appeared  at  the  seat  of  war,  the  incen- 
tive to  deeds  of  prowess  was  redoubled.  The 
sovereigns,  though  delighted  with  Hernando  de 
Pulgar's  exploit,  for  which  they  rewarded  him 
with  every  mark  of  honour  and  favoiw,  were  yet 
too  practical  to  encourage  a  needless  loss  of  life. 
They  had  long  recognized,  as  we  have  seen,  that  in 
patience  rather  than  in  daring  lay  their  hope  of 
success;  and  when  a  fire  broke  out  in  the  Queen's 
tent  and  destroyed  a  good  part  of  the  camp,  they 
determined  to  prepare  for  a  long  siege  and  to  build 
more  solid  accommodation,  as  they  had  done  at 
Baeza. 

To  this  end  the  Spanish  soldier  was  converted 
into  a  workman ;  and  under  his  willing  hands  a  city 
arose,  not  merely  of  clay  and  timber,  but  of  stone. 
In  shape  a  square,  cut  into  four  by  wide  cross- 
roads, each  quarter  with  its  fine  houses  contained 
a  block  of  marble  inscribed  with  the  names  of 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  227 

those  cities  of  Spain  that  had  helped  in  its  construc- 
tion, the  whole  being  finished  within  eighty  days 
from  its  commencement. 

The  building  of  Santa  Fe,  "Holy  Faith,"  as 
Isabel  characteristically  christened  the  city  when 
asked  to  name  it  after  herself,  had  been  witnessed 
from  the  walls  of  Granada;  and  Boabdil's  heart 
sank  within  him  at  this  token  of  the  iron  deter- 
mination he  knew  and  feared.  Already  hunger 
was  rife  amongst  his  subjects;  and  though  he  might 
prolong  the  siege  for  months  or  even  longer  he 
realized  that  only  ultimate  failure  lay  before  him. 
So  did  his  principal  councillors,  and  in  October, 
1 49 1,  acting  on  their  advice,  he  entered  at  last 
into  negotiations  for  surrender. 

The  terms  to  which  both  sides  finally  agreed, 
besides  guaranteeing  to  the  inhabitants  of  Gra- 
nada the  safety  of  their  lives  and  property,  granted 
them  also  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  laws, 
and  customs.  They  were  to  speak  their  own  lan- 
guage, keep  their  own  schools,  and  appoint  their 
own  judges  and  priests,  submitting  to  no  Christian 
authority  save  that  of  the  Governor-General  of 
the  city.  For  three  years  they  were  to  pay  no 
taxes,  and  after  that  date  none  that  should  exceed 
those  that  had  been  ordinarily  exacted  by  their 
Mahometan  rulers.     These  rights  were  to  be  en- 


228  Isabel  of  Castile  [1484- 

joyed  by  Jews  as  well  as  Moors;  while  the  Chris- 
tian captives  then  in  the  city  were  to  be  exchanged 
for  an  equal  number  of  Moorish  slaves.  Above  all 
Boabdil  stipulated  that  no  partisan  or  servant  of 
"El  Zagal"  should  be  allowed  a  share  in  the 
government. 

The  surface  value  of  these  conditions  was  fair 
enough ;  treacherously  fair,  according  to  the  Moor- 
ish warriors  still  disinclined  for  peace. 

"If  you  think,"  exclaimed  one  of  them,  "that 
the  Christians  will  remain  faithful  to  what  they 
have  promised,  or  that  their  sovereign  will  prove 
as  generous  a  conqueror  as  he  has  been  a  valiant 
enemy,  you  deceive  yourselves." 

His  contemptuous  refusal  to  have  part  or  parcel 
in  the  transaction  was  echoed  through  the  streets. 

"Traitors  and  cowards  all!"  cried  an  old  der- 
vish, gathering  behind  him  the  more  excitable  ele- 
ment of  the  town ;  and  soon  a  mob  was  beating  on 
the  gates  of  the  Alhambra. 

Boabdil  succeeded  in  restoring  order;  but  the 
fear  of  another  riot  made  him  hastily  dispatch  a 
letter  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabel,  asking  them  in 
view  of  his  critical  position  to  take  possession  of 
the  town  some  days  earlier  than  they  had  settled. 
His  interest  in  smoothing  out  all  difficulties  is 
explained  by  the  secret  stipulations  affixed  to  the 


1492]  The  Fall  of  Granada  229 

general  terms  of  surrender.  By  these  he  and  his 
immediate  relations  were  to  keep  the  lands  that 
already  formed  their  private  patrimony,  while  he 
himself  was  to  receive  in  addition  the  lordship  and 
revenue  of  a  large  district  in  the  Alpujarras,  the 
sovereigns  paying  him  the  sum  of  thirty  thousand 
castellanos  on  the  day  of  their  entry. 

Thus  Boabdil  hoped  to  buy  peace,  and  in  the 
guise  of  a  territorial  magnate  to  free  himself  from 
the  unlucky  star  that  had  haunted  his  path  as  King.  ^ 
On  the  2d  of  January,  1492,  at  the  signal  of  a 
cannon  fired  from  the  Alhambra  he  left  for  ever  the 
palace  that  had  been  the  scene  of  so  many  vicissi- 
tudes in  his  life.  At  the  same  moment  the  Christ- 
ian army  in  festival  attire,  with  banners  flying 
and  amid  the  blare  of  trumpets  issued  from  the 
gates  of  Santa  Fe ;  the  Cardinal  of  Spain  and  Don 
Gutierre  de  Cardenas  leading  the  triumphal  march 
that  was  to  end  at  last  in  the  goal  of  all  their 
ambitions. 

The  two  Kings  met  on  the  banks  of  the  Genii, 
where  Boabdil  would  have  knelt  to  kiss  the  other's 
hand,  had  not  Ferdinand  with  quick  courtesy  pre- 
vented him.    "Take  these,  Senor,  for  I  and  all  in 

'Boabdil,  like  his  uncle  "El  Zagal,"  finally  sold  his  patrimony 
to  the  Catholic  sovereigns  and  sailed  to  Africa.  He  was  killed 
in  a  battle  some  years  later  fighting  on  behalf  of  the  King  of  Fez 
against  an  African  tribe. 


230  Isabel  of  Castile         [1484-1492] 

the  city  are  thine,"  exclaimed  the  Moor,  as  in 
profound  melancholy  he  yielded  up  the  keys  of  his 
capital.  Then  he  passed  on  his  way.  As  the 
turrets  of  the  Alhambra  grew  dim  behind  him,  the 
vanguard  of  the  Christian  army  crossed  its  thresh- 
hold;  and  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  without  the  gate 
saw  raised  on  the  Tower  of  Colmares,  first,  the 
silver  cross  that  had  been  blessed  at  Rome,  and 
then  the  royal  banner  and  the  standard  of 
Santiago. 

"Granada!  Granada!  for  the  sovereigns  Don 
Fernando  and  Dona  Isabel,"  cried  the  king-at- 
arms  in  a  loud  voice ;  and  the  Queen  falling  on  her 
knees  and  all  with  her,  the  solemn  chant  of  the 
Te  Deum  rose  to  Heaven.  The  object  of  ten 
years  of  arduous  warfare  was  achieved,  the  dream 
of  eight  centuries  realized;  and  none  of  those  who 
knelt  in  heartfelt  thankfulness  doubted  that  the 
gift  was  of  God. 

Four  days  later,  on  the  6th  of  January,  1492, 
the  Feast  of  the  Epiphany,  the  Catholic  sovereigns 
made  their  formal  entry  into  Granada. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  INQUISITION 

OOME  allusion  has  already  been  made  in  our 
^  introductory  chapter  to  the  character  of  the 
Castilian  Church  in  mediaeval  times.  Strongly 
national  in  its  resentment  of  papal  interference, 
as  in  its  dislike  of  alien  races  within  the  Spanish 
boundaries,  its  wealth  and  popularity  were  a  sure 
index  of  the  large  part  it  must  play  in  any  difficult 
crisis.  Amongst  churchmen  both  Henry  IV.  and 
the  rebels  who  opposed  him  had  found  their 
councillors  and  their  generals;  to  the  Church 
Queen  Isabel  had  turned,  with  a  confidence  that 
was  not  belied,  for  financial  help  against  the 
Portuguese;  and  it  was  a  churchman,  sitting  in 
constant  deliberation  with  her  and  Ferdinand,  who 
gained  amongst  contemporaries  the  proud  title 
of  "the  Third  King." 

Pedro  Gonsalez  de  Mendoza  had  been  a  favour- 
ite of  fortune  from  his  birth.  A  member  of  one 
of  the  proudest  and  wealthiest  families  in  Spain, 

231 


232  Isabel  of  Castile 

the  settlement  of  his  profession  had  been  almost 
coincident  with  his  admission  to  its  material  bene- 
fits; and,  from  holding  a  curacy  in  early  boy- 
hood and  a  rich  benefice  at  twelve  years  old,  he 
had  passed  through  the  lesser  offices  of  the  epis- 
copate to  succeed  Don  Alonso  Carrillo,  on  his  death 
in  1482,  as  Archbishop  of  Toledo  and  Primate  of 
Castile.  Judicious  influence  had  previously  ob- 
tained him  a  Cardinal's  hat;  but,  marked  though 
her  favour  had  been,  his  reputation  was  not  solely 
of  fortune's  weaving. 

Pedro  Gonsalez  was  in  himself  a  striking  per- 
sonality. Nature  had  made  him  a  CastiHan  noble, 
and,  in  adopting  one  of  the  few  careers  considered 
worthy  of  his  rank,  it  never  occurred  to  him  that 
the  claims  of  religion  should  exclude  those  of  his 
blood  and  class.  A  clear-headed  practical  states- 
man, whose  loyalty  proved  none  the  less  valuable 
that  it  had  been  inspired  by  a  cautious  regard  to 
the  interests  of  himself  and  his  house,  he  was  also 
a  liberal  patron  of  education  and  philanthropy, 
and  an  accomplished  soldier  and  courtier. 

"There  was  never  a  war  in  Spain  during  his 
time, "  we  are  told,  "in  which  he  did  not  personally 
take  part,  or  at  least  have  his  troops  engaged"; 
nor  did  he  disdain  the  amours,  that  with  con- 
spiracies and  duelling  formed  the  fashionable  life 


The  Inquisition  233 

of  Henry  IV. 's  Court.  When  that  impressionable 
monarch  succumbed  to  the  charms  of  the  Portu- 
guese lady-in-waiting,  Dona  Guiomar,  the  name  of 
Gonsalez  de  Mendoza,  then  Bishop  of  Calahorra, 
was  linked  with  that  of  the  favourite's  cousin; 
and  the  chronicles  record  that  two  of  his  sons  in 
later  years  intermarried,  through  their  father's 
influence,  with  connections  of  the  royal  family. 

Illegitimacy  carried  with  it  little  stain  amongst 
a  people  whose  standard  of  life  was  as  low  as 
their  ideals  were  often  high;  and  the  Church, 
sharing  deeply  as  we  have  seen  in  the  national 
life,  paid  the  penalty  of  this  intimacy  in  a  blind- 
ing of  her  own  eyes  to  the  distance  many  of  her 
sons  had  wandered  from  their  Master's  footsteps. 
Queen  Isabel,  whose  personal  purity  was  a  stand- 
ing witness  to  the  high  code  of  morality  in  which 
she  believed,  was  yet  daughter  enough  of  her  age 
to  accept  Cardinal  Mendoza  at  his  popular  value. 
He  had  been  her  protector  and  advisor  through 
many  of  her  difficulties,  showing  himself  subtle  and 
far-seeing  in  politics,  as  well  as  the  kindly  friend 
a  man  of  mature  years  will  often  prove  to  young 
ambitions.  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  owed  him  much , 
and  they  paid  their  debt  by  a  trust  and  reverence 
that  gained  him  honour  in  Spain  only  second  to 
that  accorded  to  themselves. 


234  Isabel  of  Castile 

Peter  Martyr,  in  a  letter  to  the  Cardinal,  ad- 
dresses him  as,  "You,  without  whom  the  King  and 
Queen  never  take  the  smallest  step,  whether 
engaged  actively  in  war  or  enjoying  peace,  and 
without  whose  advice  they  arrive  at  no  important 
conclusion."  It  is  the  language  of  eulogy,  but  it 
touches  truth  at  bottom;  and  the  strength  of 
Isabel's  affection  for  her  chief  councillor  may  be 
gauged  by  her  deference  to  his  will,  on  those 
occasions  that  it  happened  to  clash  with  her  own. 
When,  in  1485,  she  would  have  carried  the  royal 
jurisdiction  with  her  to  Alcala  de  Henares,  super- 
seding temporarily  with  her  prerogative  all  local 
justice,  as  elsewhere  on  her  progress,  the  Cardinal 
declined  to  admit  her  claims  within  the  boundaries 
of  his  diocese  of  Toledo.  To  all  her  expostulations 
he  returned  an  obstinate  refusal,  till  Isabel,  seeing 
that  the  matter  must  end  either  in  an  open  breach 
or  her  own  surrender,  yielded  the  point.  It  was 
a  concession  she  would  have  made  to  few  of  her 
subjects. 

Very  different  was  her  attitude  when  a  criminal 
of  Trujillo,  on  being  hailed  for  his  misdeeds 
before  the  royal  judges,  protested  that  he  had 
received  the  tonsure  and  therefore  he  should  be 
tried  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts.  To  this  plea, 
a  trick  to  which  men  who  had  no  intention  of  tak- 


THE   CARDINAL   OF   SPAIN,    DON    PEDRO    GONSALEZ    DE    MENDOZA 

FROM    "  HISTORIA   DE  LA  VILLA   Y  CORTE   DE   MADRID  "    BY   AMADOR   DE   LOS   RIOS 


The  Inquisition  235 

ing  orders  resorted,  that  they  might  escape  the 
rigours  of  the  secular  law,  the  judges  paid  no 
heed;  whereupon  some  priests,  relations  of  the 
accused ,  took  up  arms  in  his  favour .  '  *  The  Faith , ' ' 
they  declared,  "was  in  danger  of  perdition,"  and 
having  roused  the  mob  by  inflammatory  speeches, 
they  attacked  the  house  of  the  corregidor  and  the 
local  prison.  The  criminal  was  released;  but  the 
triumph  of  ecclesiastical  privilege  was  short-lived; 
for,  some  companies  of  men-at-arms  appearing  on 
the  scenes  in  response  to  the  corregidor's  appeal 
to  the  Queen,  the  principal  lay  rioters  were  hung. 
The  clerical  offenders,  saved  by  their  cloth  from 
a  like  fate,  spent  the  rest  of  their  days  in  exile, 
meditating  on  the  long  arm  of  royal  justice. 

Equally  firm  was  the  position  maintained  by 
Ferdinand  and  Isabel  in  their  dealings  with  the 
Roman  See.  From  one  aspect  they  were  sincerely 
loyal  and  devoted  to  their  "Holy  Father  in 
Christ,"  seeking  his  sanction  for  all  those  actions 
where  orthodoxy  demanded  papal  consent;  and 
informing  him,  in  sure  confidence  of  his  blessing, 
of  every  success  they  enjoyed  in  their  struggle  with 
infidels  and  heretics.  The  very  nature  of  the 
war  of  Granada  earned  for  them  a  reputation  in 
Europe  as  special  champions  of  the  Faith;  and, 
though  the  honour  was  prompted  rather  by  his 


236  Isabel  of  Castile 

needs  than  their  deserts,  no  title  could  have  been 
more  fitting  than  "Los  Reyes  Catolicos,"  "The 
Catholic  Kings,"  bestowed  on  them  by  Alexander 
VI.  in  1494. 

Yet,  from  another  point  of  view,  these  same 
"Catholic  Kings"  were  as  staunch  opponents  of 
papal  encroachments  as  any  imperial  Frederick 
II.  or  Henry  VIII.  of  England.  It  might  be  said 
that  their  disputes  with  the  Holy  Father  savoured 
rather  of  the  spoilt  than  the  rebellious  child. 
Conscious  of  their  merits  as  perpetual  crusaders 
and  chasteners  of  the  unorthodox,  they  preferred, 
instead  of  making  war  on  the  general  principle  of 
Roman  interference  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  to 
demand  exemption  as  their  special  right, — the 
right  of  those  who,  with  their  ancestors,  had  won 
back  the  soil  of  their  native  land  in  conflict  with 
a  heathen  race. 

Their  hand  was  none  the  less  iron  that  it  was 
discreetly  gloved.  When  in  1491  an  appeal  to 
Rome  was  admitted  by  the  Court  of  Chancery  at 
Valladolid,  in  a  case  falling  by  law  solely  within 
the  royal  jurisdiction,  Isabel  in  her  indignation 
did  not  hesitate  to  remove  all  the  judges  who  had 
consented  to  this  step,  appointing  others  in  their 
place. 

Still   more   drastic   was   the   action   taken   by 


The  Inquisition  237 

Ferdinand  and  herself  in  1482,  when  the  question  of 
the  extent  of  Roman  patronage  came  prominently 
to  the  fore.  Sixtus  IV.,  anxious  to  provide  for  a 
host  of  needy  relatives,  had  appointed  a  Cardinal- 
nephew  to  the  rich  see  of  Cuenca,  then  vacant. 
Quite  unprepared  for  the  indignation  with  which 
this  announcement  was  received  in  Spain,  he 
was  soon  disillusioned  by  the  sovereigns,  who 
utterly  refused  to  acknowledge  his  protege,  declar- 
ing that  it  had  always  been  the  custom  to  appoint 
natives  of  the  country; — and  this,  not  only  as  a 
reward  for  the  services  rendered  by  Spain  to 
Christendom,  but  as  a  national  safeguard,  since 
the  majority  of  the  sees  carried  with  them  the 
control  of  fortresses  and  strongholds. 

Sixtus  replied  by  alleging  his  unlimited  right  to 
provide  incumbents  to  all  and  every  church  in 
Christendom.  In  vain  ambassadors  passed  to 
and  fro  suggesting  compromise.  The  dispute  had 
reached  an  impasse  that  no  arguments  could 
remove,  when  Ferdinand  and  Isabel,  by  com- 
manding all  their  subjects  at  Rome  to  leave  the 
Papal  dominions  without  delay,  removed  the 
matter  to  an  altogether  different  plane.  Spaniards 
in  the  Holy  City  were  less  afraid  of  Papal  anger 
than  of  the  threat  that  their  goods  at  home  would  be 
sequestered,  if  they  failed  to  obey  the  royal  edict; 


238  Isabel  of  Castile 

and  Sixtus,  witnessing  the  preparations  for  their 
departure,  realized  the  seriousness  of  the  issue. 
A  loss  of  revenue,  a  Spanish  appeal  to  a  General 
Council  that  might  depose  him,  these  and  many 
other  possible  results  of  his  obstinacy  floated 
before  his  mind;  and  it  was  an  embassy  of  con- 
ciliation  that   he   next   despatched   from   Rome. 

The  sovereigns,  who  were  at  Medina  del  Campo, 
at  first  received  the  overture  with  unbending  pride, 
bidding  the  ambassador  depart  as  they  saw  no 
reason  why  he  should  be  admitted  to  their  pres- 
ence. When  at  length,  by  the  mediation  of  the 
Cardinal  of  Spain,  negotiations  were  once  more 
entertained,  the  Pope  agreed  to  withdraw  his 
nephew's  claims  and  to  appoint  one  of  the  Queen's 
chaplains.  Henceforth  he  conceded  to  the  sov- 
ereigns the  right  to  petition  in  favour  of  candidates, 
whom  they  might  deem  suitable  for  the  episcopate, 
reserving  for  himself  the  actual  nomination. 

This  decision  was  equivalent  to  a  triumph  for 
the  Crown ;  but  it  proved  only  the  first  of  a  series 
of  battles,  and  the  instructions  issued  to  Spanish 
ambassadors  at  Rome  throughout  the  reign  con- 
tinually pressed  the  royal  prerogative  in  ecclesi- 
astical matters.  In  the  case  of  presentment  to 
livings,  of  which  patronage  the  Pope  was  peculiarly 
jealous,  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  were  often  able  to 


The  Inquisition  239 

achieve  their  purpose  indirectly,  by  laying  an 
embargo  on  the  rents  of  the  nominee  to  whom  they 
objected,  until  he  saw  his  way  to  complying  with 
their  views. 

If,  in  matters  of  practical  administration,  the 
sovereigns  accepted  their  duty  of  obedience,  like 
certain  brides,  with  reservations,  they  did  not 
let  their  enthusiasm  for  Catholic  dogma  blind 
their  eyes  to  the  scandals  of  the  Roman  Court, 
and  more  especially  to  the  evil  reputation  it 
acquired  during  the  pontificate  of  Alexander  VI., 
the  notorious  Rodrigo  Borgia.  Conscious  of  the 
harm  his  example  wrought  in  the  Church,  they 
sent  private  ambassadors  to  petition  him  that 
he  would  send  away  his  children  from  Rome, 
"purify  his  life,  reform  his  house,  and  cease  to 
allow  the  sale  of  benefices  and  ecclesiastical  offices. " 

That  their  motive  was  a  genuine  desire  to  raise 
the  prevalent  low  standard  of  morality  may  be 
gathered  from  their  rigorous  policy  of  ecclesiastical 
reform  at  home.  Hitherto  all  efforts  in  this  direc- 
tion had  proved  abortive;  and  the  instructions 
issued  by  Alonso  Carrillo,  Archbishop  of  To- 
ledo, at  the  Council  of  Aranda  in  1473  show 
how  deep-seated  was  the  evil.  Open  immorality 
of  life  and  more  venial  habits,  such  as  dicing 
and   the   wearing   of   gaily-coloured   clothes   are 


240  Isabel  of  Castile 

amongst  the  ordinary  offences  scheduled;  but 
even  the  standard  recommended  for  the  future 
scarcely  touched  a  high  level.  Bishops  were  not 
to  take  money  in  return  for  conferring  ordination, 
nor  to  accept  as  fitting  candidates  those  unable 
to  speak  Latin,  the  language  of  the  Church. 
Priests  must  celebrate  Mass  at  least  four  times  a 
year  and  bishops  three,  while  both  were  strongly 
urged  not  to  lead  a  riotous  or  military  life.  The 
latter  charge,  as  emanating  from  Don  Alonso 
Carrillo,  has  its  humorous  aspect,  but  criticism 
was  disarmed  by  the  grave  addition,  unless  it 
should  be  to  take  service  with  kings  or  princes  of 
the  blood. 

The  character  of  the  episcopate,  in  whose  hands 
these  measures  of  reform  were  left,  fully  explains 
the  failure  that  attended  them.  An  Alonso  Car- 
rillo could  not  be  expected  to  quench  military 
tendencies;  an  Alonso  Fonseca,  the  giver  of  ban- 
quets, to  suppress  luxury;  a  Pedro  Gonsalez  de 
Mendoza  to  inveigh  heavily  against  broken  vows 
of  celibacy.  This  Queen  Isabel  realized,  and  with 
the  exception  of  Cardinal  Mendoza,  her  advisers 
in  spiritual  matters  were  men  of  a  very  different 
type. 

"  He  is  a  gentle-natured  priest,  somewhat  narrow 
of  mind  perhaps,  but  a  sound  theologian  without 


The  Inquisition  241 

bitterness  or  passion. "  Thus  wrote  Peter  Martyr 
of  Fra  Fernando  de  Talavera,  Isabel's  confessor, 
who  exercised  so  large  an  influence  over  her  mind 
throughout  the  earlier  part  of  her  reign.  The 
story  of  his  introduction  to  his  duties  is  character- 
istic of  both  man  and  Queen.  At  their  first 
confessional,  the  Friar,  seating  himself  on  a  low 
stool,  bade  his  companion  kneel  before  him;  but 
she,  unwilling  to  lower  her  dignity,  reminded  him 
gently  that  it  was  the  custom  for  her  confessors 
also  to  kneel. 

"Sefiora,"  replied  Fra  Fernando,  "this  is  the 
tribunal  of  God,  and  therefore  must  you  kneel 
and   I   be  seated." 

"  He  is  the  confessor  whom  I  have  long  sought, " 
was  the  Queen's  comment  on  this  interview,  the 
acknowledgment  of  her  readiness  to  bow  before 
the  spiritual  director  she  could  respect.  To  some 
minds  his  answer  might  have  savoured  of  arro- 
gance; but  the  friar's  personal  humility  forbade 
such  an  interpretation;  and  when,  on  the  surrender 
of  Granada  in  1492,  he  was  appointed  as  first 
Archbishop  of  that  city,  he  accepted  the  office  with 
a  shrinking  reluctance  that  was  wholly  sincere. 

He  took  away  with  him  to  his  southern  diocese 
much  of  the  saner  and  kindlier  influences  at  work 
on  Isabel's  soul;  for,  though  she  continued  to 
16 


242  Isabel  of  Castile 

rely  on  his  advice  both  in  reHgious  and  worldly 
affairs,  yet  other  and  less  tolerant  directors  were 
helping  to  shape  her  conscience. 

The  name  of  her  new  confessor,  Ximenes  de 
Cisneros,  is  famous  in  Spanish  history, — the 
name  of  one  of  the  world's  chosen  few,  who  solely 
by  their  natural  gifts  climb  from  poverty  and 
obscurity  to  pluck  her  richest  fruits.  His  success 
is  the  more  arresting  that,  by  the  irony  of  fate, 
he  cared  nothing  for  the  world  or  her  rewards. 
Literary  fame  had  stretched  before  him  as  chap- 
lain of  the  cathedral  chiu"ch  of  Sigiienza,  and  he 
deliberately  turned  his  back  on  it  to  exchange  the 
free  life  of  the  chapter  for  the  monk's  cell.  Here 
he  donned  the  Franciscan  habit;  not  as  the  cloak 
for  idleness  and  evil  customs  it  had  become  with 
many  of  the  Order  but  as  the  rough  garment  of 
humility  and  self-abnegation  that  Saint  Francis 
had  offered  to  his  followers  of  old. 

The  Franciscan  community  was  split  at  this 
time  into  two  distinct  sections:  the  Conventuals, 
wealthy,  influential,  and  prosperous,  who  in  the 
decadence  of  their  life  had  ceased  even  to  realize 
the  loss  of  their  ideals ;  and  the  Observants,  those 
who  observed  the  old  rules  with  an  austerity  and 
fire  that  burned  all  the  more  brightly  for  their 
brothers'  failings.     Between  these  two  was  war; 


XIMINES   DE  CISNEROS 

FROM  "  ICONOGRAFIA  ESPANOLA  "  BY  VALENTIN  CAROERERA  Y  SOLANO 


The  Inquisition  243 

and  it  was  natural  that  Cisneros  should  be  found 
in  the  camp  of  the  ascetics,  natural  also  that  even 
in  this  retreat  his  talent  should  be  discovered,  and 
his  gift  for  preaching  and  organization  win  him 
uncoveted  renown. 

He  was  already  fifty-five  years  old  at  the  time 
of  the  fall  of  Granada  when  Cardinal  Mendoza, 
consulted  by  the  Queen  as  to  her  new  confessor, 
remembered  his  own  light-hearted  days  as  Bishop 
of  Siguenza  and  a  certain  austere  but  brilliant 
chaplain  of  his  cathedral,  who  had  turned  his  back 
on  the  world  for  the  sake  of  his  religious  ideals. 
The  portrait  caught  Isabel's  fancy;  and  Cisneros 
was  duly  summoned  to  Court  and  named  her 
confessor,  an  appointment  that  filled  him  with 
even  more  dismay  than  the  frivolous  courtiers. 

"Behold!"  says  Peter  Martyr,  "an  Augustine  in 
his  piercing  intellect,  a  Jerome  in  his  self-inflicted 
penances,  an  Ambrose  in  his  zeal  for  the  Faith. " 

It  was  a  combination  to  leave  its  mark  on  the 
spiritual  life  of  those  around  him;  the  more  that 
the  admiration  which  his  character  inspired  in  the 
Queen  was  soon  to  widen  his  sphere  of  action. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1495  Pedro  Gonsalez 
de  Mendoza  died.  The  Queen  had  visited  him 
during  the  last  days  of  his  illness  and  consulted  him 
as  to  a  fitting  successor  in  the  Primacy;  on  which 


244  Isabel  of  Castile 

the  old  Cardinal  frankly  advised  her  not  to  give  the 
ojffice  to  any  man  of  great  family  or  wealth,  lest  he 
should  be  tempted  to  use  it  for  his  own  ends. 
Instead  he  suggested  the  humble  Franciscan  friar, 
whose  life  to  both  their  minds  represented  the 
highest  earthly  fulfilment  of  Christianity.  Isabel 
joyfully  agreed,  refusing  to  yield  to  Ferdinand's 
wish  that  the  honour  should  go  to  his  own  illegiti- 
mate son,  Alfonso,  Archbishop  of  Saragossa. 

Knowing  her  confessor's  character,  she  sent 
secretly  to  Rome  for  the  bull  of  nomination.  When 
it  arrived,  she  handed  it  to  him;  but  Cisneros, 
reading  the  opening  address,  "To  our  venerable 
brother,  Fra  Ximenes  de  Cisneros,  Archbishop- 
elect  of  Toledo,"  pushed  it  away,  saying  "Senora, 
this  cannot  be  meant  for  me." 

He  quitted  the  royal  presence  abruptly  and 
hastened  from  Madrid,  replying  to  all  appeals 
and  arguments  that  he  did  not  feel  himself  worthy 
to  enter  on  so  high  an  office.  It  was  not  till  some 
six  months  later,  on  the  receipt  of  another  bull 
from  Rome,  commanding  him  to  accept  the  arch- 
bishopric without  delay,  that  the  friar  withdrew 
his  opposition. 

Never  had  the  Spanish  Church  witnessed  a  more 
curious  transformation.  The  humble  Observant 
had  become  an  ecclesiastical  prince,  the  holder 


The  Inquisition  245 

of  the  see  in  Christendom  coveted,  according  to 
contemporaries,  next  to  Rome  itself.  Hence- 
forth his  annual  revenue  would  amount  to  over 
80,000  ducats  a  year,  the  value  of  the  patronage 
at  his  disposal  far  exceed  that  sum,  his  mihtary 
retainers  would  make  a  small  army,  his  judicial 
rights  over  his  diocese  were  to  be  those  of  a 
viceroy. 

Warned  by  the  Pope  that  it  befitted  the  Primate 
of  Castile  to  maintain  a  certain  state  and  dignity, 
Cisneros  grimly  adopted  the  splendour  of  his 
predecessor's  regime,  tolerating  as  a  necessary 
evil  the  rich  furniture  and  food,  the  household  of 
young  nobles,  and  the  velvet  and  silk  of  his  out- 
ward clothing,  that  to  many  a  priest  of  the  day 
would  have  filled  the  foreground  of  the  picture. 
Some  indeed  believed  that  the  Archbishop  had  shed 
the  fine  ideals  of  the  monk ;  and  once  in  his  presence 
a  Franciscan  boldly  preached  to  this  effect.  Cis- 
neros listened  in  silence ;  but  after  the  service  was 
over  took  his  critic  apart  and,  drawing  aside  the 
gorgeous  vestment  in  which  he  was  clothed,  showed 
beneath  it  the  friar's  rough  woollen  shirt.  This, 
with  the  frugal  dishes,  that  were  his  own  portion 
from  his  loaded  tables,  and  the  hard  straw  mattress 
that  shamed  his  canopied  bed,  were  the  realities  of 
Ximenes's  material  life  in  the  midst  of  all  his  glory. 


246  Isabel  of  Castile 

His  indifference  to  the  soft  things  of  this  world 
was  equalled  by  his  contempt  of  popularity;  and 
the  revenues  that  had  bought  for  other  archbishops 
of  Toledo  influence  and  fame  amongst  the  wealthy 
and  well-bom  of  the  kingdom  now  went  to  amelio- 
rate the  lives  of  the  poor  and  to  enrich  hospitals 
and  schools.  From  the  first,  also,  he  had  set  his 
face  against  patronage  bestowed  for  any  reason 
except  the  personal  merit  of  the  candidate  in 
question. 

Diego  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  a  brother  of  the 
Cardinal,  had  been  appointed  Adelantado  of 
Cazorla,  a  military  office  in  the  diocese  of  Toledo. 
Fearful,  lest  he  should  now  be  deprived  of  it,  he 
obtained  a  recommendation  from  the  Queen,  but 
Cisneros  would  not  look  at  it.  "Archbishops  of 
Toledo,"  he  declared,  "should  administer  their 
patronage  freely  and  not  on  any  recommendation. 
My  Sovereign  Lord  and  Lady,  whom  I  deeply 
respect,  can  dismiss  me  to  the  cell  from  which  they 
fetched  me,  but  they  cannot  force  me  to  act  against 
my   conscience   and   the   laws   of   the   Church." 

Isabel  received  the  report  of  this  interview  with 
the  serenity  that  ordinary  court  flatterers  found 
so  baffling;  while  Cisneros,  on  his  part,  satisfied 
on  enquiry  as  to  Diego  Hurtado's  character  and 
capability,  consented  to  ratify  his  nomination. 


The  Inquisition  247 

The  work  of  reform,  undertaken  by  Queen  and 
confessor,  proceeded  with  renewed  energy  after 
the  latter's  appointment  as  Primate.  With  regard 
to  the  secular  clergy,  the  sovereigns  had  from  the 
beginning  of  their  reign  endeavoured  to  leaven 
the  worldly  character  of  the  episcopate  by  confer- 
ring vacant  bishoprics  on  men  of  the  lower  nobility 
or  middle  class,  who  were  distinguished  for  their 
mental  or  moral  qualities.  Nor  did  they  leave 
to  the  lax  arm  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  the 
administration  of  the  numerous  laws  and  edicts 
designed  to  check  the  widespread  immorality  of 
the  lesser  clergy;  and  it  was  royal  officials  who 
"fined,  scourged,  or  banished"  the  women  kept 
by  priests  in  defiance  of  their  vow  of  celibacy. 

This  policy  of  amendment  and  repression  met 
with  Cisneros's  full  approval;  but  the  reform  in 
which  as  a  friar  he  was  most  interested  was  that  of 
the  monastic  orders.  In  1493  the  sovereigns  had 
obtained  a  papal  brief,  authorizing  them  to 
appoint  "visitors, "  who  should  inspect  the  various 
Religious  Houses,  correct  the  errors  that  they 
found,  and  punish  evil-doers. 

From  this  tour  the  Conventual  section  of  the 
Franciscans  did  not  emerge  scatheless ;  and  the  in- 
dignation, aroused  amongst  its  members,  at  the 
penalties  inflicted  and  changes  introduced  was  so 


248  Isabel  of  Castile 

great  that  an  appeal  against  the  Archbishop's 
tyranny  was  finally  lodged  at  Rome.  Four 
hundred  friars,  it  was  declared,  rather  than  submit 
to  the  new  order  of  things  had  been  driven  to  turn 
Mahometan  and  seek  refuge  in  Africa.  Such  a 
tale  might  well  have  inspired  the  conviction  that 
the  drastic  measures  of  the  Queen  and  her  adviser 
were  fully  justified;  but  in  Alexander  VI.  it  only 
prompted  a  heart -felt  sympathy  with  the  Conven- 
tuals; and  in  January,  1496,  he  dispatched  a  bull, 
forbidding  further  reform  until  he  was  satisfied  as 
to  its  necessity.  Isabel  replied  by  sending  special 
ambassadors  to  plead  her  side  of  the  case;  a 
transaction  in  which  they  succeeded  so  admirably 
that  the  Pope  withdrew  his  opposition. 

In  the  meanwhile  she  and  Cisneros  had  con- 
tinued with  unwavering  energy  the  task  they  had 
begun.  Her  own  share  was  no  sinecure;  for, 
taking  her  needlework  or  her  spinning,  she  would 
visit  the  convents  and,  seated  amongst  the  nuns, 
strive  by  her  personal  influence  to  win  them  back 
to  a  sense  of  their  duties,  and  the  devotion  that 
could  alone  inspire  their  calling.  According  to  his 
biographer,  success  also  attended  the  harsher  treat- 
ment meted  out  to  the  Franciscans  by  Cisneros, 
till  at  length  "few  monasteries  remained  where  the 
rules  of  the  Observants  were  not  kept,  to  the  great 


The  Inquisition  249 

satisfaction  of  the  Archbishop  and  edification  of 
the  people." 

The  reform  of  the  morals  and  customs  of  the 
Spanish  Church  was  now  well  in  train;  but  it 
formed  only  a  part,  and  the  smaller  part,  of  the 
sovereigns'  general  scheme  for  the  promotion  and 
safeguard  of  the  Catholic  Faith  within  their 
realms.  If  the  foundations  of  a  building  are 
insecure,  the  beauty  and  strength  of  its  walls 
will  soon  prove  valueless;  and  Ferdinand  and 
Isabel,  regarding  "right  belief"  as  the  foundation 
of  "right  action,"  and  identifying  "right  belief" 
with  "acceptance  of  the  doctrines  and  practice 
o^  the  Holy  Catholic  Faith, "  were  led  by  logical 
reasoning  to  establish  the  monstrous  tyranny  of 
the  Inquisition.  There  can  be  few  things  so 
pitiless  as  logic  when  carried  to  its  extreme,  and 
few  so  faulty  when  the  conclusions  concern  the 
soul;  perhaps  because  it  is  in  this  sphere  that 
human  intelligence  most  often  fails  to  test  the 
truth  of  its  premises.  Heresy  was  to  the  mediae- 
val mind  "the  unpardonable  sin";  the  heretic  in 
the  language  of  the  day,  "a  venomous  reptile 
requiring  to  be  exterminated,  lest  he  should 
spread  contagion  by  his  very  breath."  And  in 
Spain  this  unpardonable  sin  was  more  diffused  and 
difficult  to  eradicate  than  amongst  her  neighbours ; 


250  Isabel  of  Castile 

for,  through  the  centuries  of  reconquest,  her 
population  had  been  exposed  to  constant  inter- 
course with  races  of  alien  creed,  endowed  more- 
over with  the  subtlety  of  mind  that  is  the  heritage 
of  the  Oriental.  However  high  the  barriers  built 
by  racial  prejudice,  so  long  as  Christian,  Jew, 
and  Moor  stood  side  by  side  on  Spanish  soil,  a 
certain  amalgamation  and  interchange  of  ideas 
were  inevitable.  The  Church,  jealous  for  the 
safety  of  the  Catholic  Faith,  made  the  construc- 
tion and  maintenance  of  barriers  her  life-work,  and 
issued  frequent  canons  prohibiting  mixed  marriages 
as  well  as  the  friendly  intercoin^se  arising  from 
shared  feasts  and  common  dwellings.  This  proved 
unavailing;  and  finally  Jews  and  Moors  were 
segregated  in  special  quarters,  called  "Juderias" 
and  "Morerias, "  and  compelled  to  wear  a  dress  or 
a  badge,  that  would  distinguish  them  from  their 
Christian  neighbours  when  they  walked  abroad. 

Such  legislation  was  to  have  far-reaching  results, 
little  foreseen  by  those  who  framed  it,  though  the 
immediate  effect  was  highly  satisfactory.  Some 
there  were  amongst  the  subject  races,  who 
preferred  to  keep  their  own  religion  and  suffer 
ignominy,  rather  than  accept  the  Faith  they  had 
learned  to  hate;  but  the  majority,  faced  by  a 
choice   between   conversion   and   the   scorn,    dis- 


The  Inquisition  251 

abilities,  and  even  danger,  that  became  the  daily 
portion  of  the  professed  Jew  or  Mahometan,  chose 
the  easier  path.  At  first  the  movement  was  grad- 
ual; but  an  outburst  of  Christian  fanaticism  and 
racial  prejudice  towards  the  close  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  led  to  a  general  massacre  of  the 
Jews,  throughout  all  the  large  cities  of  Spain,  and 
this  in  turn  to  a  wholesale  conversion  of  the 
survivors. 

The  "Conversos,"  or  "New  Christians,"  as  they 
were  often  called  in  contradistinction  to  the  "Old 
Christians"  of  unblemished  Catholicism,  were  to 
introduce  another  jarring  element  into  the  already 
complicated  society  of  Spain.  Welcomed  by  the 
Church  as  "brands  plucked  from  the  burning," 
they  took  full  advantage  of  the  opporttmity  to 
enter  offices  and  professions  hitherto  closed,  as 
well  as  to  continue  unmolested  in  the  commerce 
and  business  they  had  formerly  carried  on  under 
sufferance.  Since  conversion  affected  neither  their 
natural  industry,  nor  their  racial  capacity  for 
making  money,  the  New  Christians  soon  developed 
the  wealth  and  power  that  have  followed  the 
footsteps  of  the  Jew  in  all  ages  and  countries, 
where  he  has  been  free  to  pursue  them.  From  the 
collection  of  rents  and  taxes  to  the  control  of  the 
King's  treasury,   they  invaded    every  comer   of 


252  Isabel  of  Castile 

the  financial  and  economic  life  of  Spain,  wringing 
from  the  carelessness  of  the  Spaniard  and  their 
own  foresight  the  wealth  that  was  one  of  the 
causes  of  their  future  ruin. 

The  Jew  has  always  believed  himself  "the 
chosen  of  God,"  and  regarded  Gentiles  with  a  scorn 
akin  to  that  felt  by  the  Greeks  of  old  for  their 
"barbarian  "  neighbours.  He  might  under  pressure 
forsake  his  religion,  but  his  inborn  sense  of  racial 
superiority  remained;  and  the  envy  excited  in 
"Old  Christians"  by  the  accumulated  honours  of 
"the  New"  was  often  fanned  to  the  white  heat  of 
passion  by  the  arrogance  with  which  these  honours 
were  borne. 

An  additional  barrier  was  religious  distrust 
that,  removed  in  theory  by  conversion  and  bap- 
tism, existed  still  in  a  more  insidious  form.  En- 
forced conversion  is  rarely  sincere;  and  though 
some  of  the  New  Christians  out-heroded  Herod  in 
their  hatred  and  denunciations  of  the  religion  they 
had  abandoned,  the  majority  were  content  with 
a  nominal  or  lukewarm  profession  of  the  Catholic 
Faith.  Old  habits  and  customs  cling;  and  the 
Conversos,  while  attending  Mass  and  other  ser- 
vices of  the  Church,  would  often  observe  in  private 
the  Jewish  sabbath,  and  practise  the  rites  and 
ceremonies  of  their  forefathers. 


The  Inquisition  253 

This  laxity  tended  to  increase  during  the  reigns 
of  weak  or  tolerant  kings,  such  as  John  II.  and 
Henry  IV.  of  Castile;  while  the  anger  it  excited 
amongst  the  mass  of  the  people  became  pro- 
portionately more  violent  as  they  watched  their 
unorthodox  neighbours  "wax  and  grow  fat."  The 
growing  spirit  of  fanaticism  left  its  trail  in  riots  in- 
stigated by  the  "Old  Christians"  against  "the 
New"  in  Toledo,  Segovia,  Ciudad  Real,  Cordova, 
and  Seville ;  rebels  made  use  of  it  to  threaten  the 
unorthodox  Henry  IV.,  and  at  length,  in  the 
Concord  of  Medina  del  Campo  of  1465,  a  resolu- 
tion was  passed,  advocating  that  power  should 
be  given  to  the  archbishops  and  bishops  of  the 
kingdom  to  imprison,  fine,  and  punish  "evil 
Christians  and  those  whose  faith  was  suspect." 

The  Concord  failed,  but  the  desire  for  the  casti- 
gation  of  heresy  did  not  die  with  the  resolutions. 
When,  in  1477,  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  came  to 
Seville,  they  were  approached  by  a  body  of  lead- 
ing laymen  and  clergy,  who  petitioned  that  "as 
Catholic  Princes  they  would  punish  this  detestable 
sin,  because  if  they  left  it  .  .  .  unchecked,  it 
would  grow  so  rapidly  that  great  harm  would 
befall  the  Holy  Catholic  Faith. " 

Commissioners  were  appointed  to  hold  an  in- 
quiry; and  these  gave  their  opinion  that  the  evil 


254  Isabel  of  Castile 

was  so  widespread  that  nothing  but  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Inquisition  would  have  power  to 
eradicate  it. 

"So  rampant  was  this  heresy,"  says  the  Curate 
of  Los  Palacios,  "that  lawyers  almost  preached 
the  law  of  Moses  " ;  while  in  another  place  he  adds : 
"These  heretics  and  cursed  Jews  fled  both  Chris- 
tian doctrines  and  customs,  avoiding  when  they 
could  the  baptism  of  their  children,  or,  if  they  must 
have  them  baptized  immediately  washing  away 
the  sign  in  their  own  homes. " 

Ferdinand  and  Isabel  had  in  1474  resisted  an 
attempt  of  Sixtus  IV.  to  plant  the  papal  Inquisition 
in  Spain,  by  endowing  his  legate  with  inquisitorial 
powers ;  their  motive  being  not  so  much  humanity 
as  their  strong  dislike  of  Roman  interference  in 
ecclesiastical  matters,  to  which  attention  has  al- 
ready been  drawn.  Now  that  an  Inquisition  of 
some  kind  appeared  a  necessity,  their  whole 
endeavour  was  directed  to  obtaining  a  bull  that 
would  secure  for  them  the  control  of  the  new 
institution.  For  this  Sixtus  was  most  unwilling; 
but  their  obstinacy,  as  on  another  occasion,  proved 
greater  than  his,  and  in  November,  1478,  he  issued 
a  bull,  authorizing  the  sovereigns  to  appoint  as 
inquisitors  three  bishops  or  other  suitable  men, 
with  the  right  to  remove  them  at  pleasure. 


The  Inquisition  255 

The  way  lay  clear;  but  Ferdinand  and  Isabel 
did  not  take  advantage  of  it  till  1480,  when  a 
scheme  of  Cardinal  Mendoza  to  combat  heretical 
beliefs  by  instruction  and  persuasion  had  been 
proclaimed  by  its  author  totally  unavailing.  Se- 
ville was  the  first  seat  of  the  Holy  Office,  but  its 
sphere  was  soon  extended  to  Cordova,  and  then  to 
the  other  towns  of  Andalusia  and  Castile;  while, 
in  1485,  Aragon  also  fell  under  its  iron  yoke. 

The  dread  assizes  would  be  opened,  on  the 
arrival  of  the  inquisitors,  by  the  publication  of  an 
"Edict  of  Grace,"  granting  to  those  conscious  of 
heresy  a  period  of  from  thirty  to  forty  days,  dur- 
ing which  they  could,  without  fear  of  death,  make 
full  confession  of  their  errors  and,  after  due 
penance,  be  reconciled  with  the  Mother  Church. 
This  term  of  indulgence  expired,  the  real  work  of 
the  Inquisition  would  begin,  and  the  suspected 
heretic  be  summoned  before  the  judges  to  clear 
himself  of  the  charges  brought  against  him,  the 
justice  of  the  day  holding  him  guilty  until  he  had 
proved  his  innocence. 

The  situation  of  the  accused  [says  Lea]  was  helpless. 
Standing  up  alone  before  the  stern  admonitions  of  the 
trained  and  pitiless  judge;  brooding  in  his  cell,  cut 
off  from  all  external  communication,  during  weeks  or 
months  of  interval  between  his  audiences ;  apparently 


256  Isabel  of  Castile 

forgotten,  but  living  in  constant  uncertainty  of  being 
at  any  moment  summoned  to  appear;  torturing  his 
mind  as  to  the  impression  which  his  utterances  might 
have  made,  or  the  deductions  drawn  from  his  admis- 
sions or  denials  ...  it  required  an  exceptionally 
resolute  temperament  to  endure  the  prolonged  strain, 
with  the  knowledge  that  the  opponent  in  the  deadly 
game  always  had  in  reserve  the  terrible  resource  of  the 
torture  chamber.^ 

Death,  imprisonment  for  life,  scourging,  a  loss  of 
property,  and  public  ignominy:  these  were  the 
main  penalties  inflicted.  Since  the  object  of  the 
Inquisition  was  to  impress  the  populace  with  a 
terror  of  heresy  and  its  consequences,  care  was 
taken  that  the  Auto-de-Fe,  or  "  Act  of  Faith,"  re- 
garded by  many  as  a  manifestation  of  the  last 
Judgment,  should  be  as  widely  seen  as  possible. 
Amid  the  jeers  or  horror  of  the  spectators,  and 
the  low  chanting  of  attendant  priests  the  con- 
demned marched  from  their  prison  to  their  death, 
clad  in  "sanbenitos"  or  the  coarse  woollen  gar- 
ment of  the  penitent.  Across  their  breasts  and 
shoulders  were  embroidered,  for  those  who  were 
reconciled  to  the  Faith,  crosses;  for  the  obstinate 
heretic,  flames  and  devils,  symbols  of  the  ever- 
lasting torment  that  awaited  his  soul,  when  earthly 
judges  had  finished  their  task. 

^Lea,  History  of  Spanish  Inquisition,  ii.,  p.  483. 


The  Inquisition  257 

The  "Con versos,"  terrified  by  the  storm  that 
had  at  last  broken  over  their  heads,  sought  shelter 
where  they  could.  Some  took  advantage  of  the 
Edicts  of  Grace,  and,  caught  in  the  toils  of  the 
demand  that  their  confession  must  be  "full,"  or 
it  would  avail  them  nothing,  accused  in  their  panic 
neighbours  and  even  relations,  that  their  own 
repentance  might  seem  the  more  sincere.  Others, 
leaving  their  lands  and  houses  to  pay  toll  for  their 
unorthodoxy,  fled  to  Portugal,  Italy,  or  France. 
Pulgar  tells  us  that  the  number  of  houses  deserted 
in  Seville,  Cordova,  and  the  other  cities  of 
Andalusia  amounted  to  over  four  thousand. 

And  although  [he  adds]  through  the  exodus  of  this 
race,  a  great  part  of  the  land  was  depopulated,  and 
word  was  brought  to  the  Queen  that  trade  was  di- 
minishing, yet  she,  esteeming  little  the  loss  of  her 
revenues  and  as  of  great  value  the  purity  of  her  domin- 
ions, declared  that,  putting  aside  her  own  interests, 
she  would  seek  to  cleanse  the  land  from  this  sin  of 
heresy;  because  she  believed  that  thus  she  fulfilled 
God's  service  and  her  own.  And  the  supplications 
that  were  made  to  her  on  this  matter  could  not  turn 
her  from  her  purpose.  .  .  . 

According  to  Bemaldez,  the  single  tribunal  of 
Seville,  during  the  first  eight  years  of  its  office, 
committed  to  the  flames  seven  hundred  persons, 
17 


258  Isabel  of  Castile 

and  condemned  five  thousand  more  to  perpetual 
imprisonment  or  rigorous  penance.  So  fierce  was 
the  persecution  that  even  the  dead  were  not 
spared;  the  bones  of  those  suspected  of  heresy 
were  exhumed  and  publicly  burnt,  their  children 
forbidden  to  hold  any  office  or  benefice,  and  their 
property  seized  and  employed  to  meet  the  heavy 
expenses  of  the  Inquisition. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Isabel  brought  to  the  task  of 
exterminating  heresy  the  same  unshrinking  thor- 
oughness that  marked  her  share  in  the  restoration 
of  law  and  order,  and  the  continuance  of  the 
Moorish  war.  Nor  was  Ferdinand  less  zealous. 
It  was  in  his  name  that  most  of  the  business  of  the 
Inquisition  was  transacted,  and  his  correspondence 
on  the  subject  shows  that  the  minute  interest  he 
exhibited  was  prompted  far  more  by  religious 
fervour  than  by  financial  greed  or  policy.  Lea  has 
described  him  as  "sincerely  bigoted";  but  though 
founders  and  patrons,  neither  he  nor  Isabel  was 
the  moving  spirit  of  the  Holy  Office. 

The  appointment  of  Tomas  de  Torquemada  as 
Inquisitor-General  of  Castile  in  May,  1483,  placed 
in  control  of  the  practical  working  of  this  institu- 
tion a  judge,  whose  bigotry  was  untempered  by 
ordinary  humanity.  A  Dominican  of  Jewish  ex- 
traction, he  was  for  a  time  the  Queen's  confessor 


TOROUEMADA 


AFTER  A   PAINTING   ATTRIBUTED   TO   MIGUEL   ZITTON.        FROM 
SPANISH    INQUISITION  •■ 


TORQUEMADA   AND   THE 


REPRODUCED   BY   KIND   PERMISSION    OF   THE   AUTHOR.    MR.    RAFAEL   SABATINI 


The  Inquisition  259 

and  won  her  favour,  like  Fra  Fernando  de  Tala- 
vera  and  Cisneros,  by  his  austerities  and  contempt 
of  the  world.  From  regard  for  the  dignity  of 
his  office  he  accepted  an  escort  of  fifty  horse 
and  two  hundred  foot,  and  wealth,  which  he 
lavished  freely  on  churches  and  monasteries; 
but  his  personal  asceticism  remained  unchanged. 
Till  the  day  of  his  death,  he  ate  no  flesh,  nor 
would  he  consent  to  wear  linen  next  his  skin,  nor 
to  sleep  on  any  bed  save  a  wooden  plank;  while 
he  sternly  refused  to  a  sister  more  financial  help 
than  would  enable  her  to  enter  a  Dominican 
convent. 

Under  his  presidency  the  Inquisition  received 
what  might  be  called  a  constitution  and  laws;  for 
in  1484  a  "Supreme  Council,"  "La  Suprema"  as 
it  was  afterwards  known,  was  established ;  and  "  In- 
structions for  the  governance  of  the  Holy  Office" 
were  issued,  informing  judges  and  officials  of  the 
exact  nature  and  extent  of  their  duties.  They 
reveal,  as  Rafael  Sabatini  remarks  in  his  Life  of 
Torguemada, 

a  spirit  at  once  crafty  and  stupid,  subtle  and  obvious, 
saintly  and  diabolical,  consistent  in  nothing, — not 
even  in  cruelty,  for  in  its  warped  and  dreadful  way  it 
accounted  itself  merciful,  and  not  only  represented 
but  believed  that  its  aims  were  charitable. 


26o  Isabel  of  Castile 

Ordinary  conceptions  of  mercy  were  to  Torque- 
mada  synonymous  with  weakness;  and  an  ac- 
quittal of  an  accused  heretic  by  a  subordinate 
would  be  sufficient  excuse  in  his  eyes  for  a  second 
trial.  Was  it  not  better  for  an  innocent  man  to 
perish,  than  for  a  guilty  man  to  pass  out  again 
into  the  world  through  negligence  and  sow  eternal 
damnation  amongst  his  neighbours  ?  The  penitent 
condemned,  when  the  Inquisition  was  first  intro- 
duced, to  wear  his  sanbenito  for  twelve  months 
as  a  sign  of  his  repentance,  now  found  himself 
cut  off  for  the  rest  of  his  life  from  all  true  Catholics 
by  this  badge  of  his  shame.  The  orthodox  son  of 
the  convicted  dead,  whose  bones  had  been  com- 
mitted to  the  flames,  saw  hanging  up  before  him, 
whenever  he  entered  his  parish  church,  the  gar- 
ment of  infamy  that  kept  alive  the  memory  of  his 
parent's  sin. 

None  were  safe ;  for  the  indefinable  sphere  of  the 
Holy  Office  and  the  royal  favour  and  protection  it 
enjoyed  enabled  Torquemada  to  encroach  with 
safety  on  the  rights  of  other  courts,  both  civil  and 
ecclesiastical,  and  to  add  as  he  thought  fit  to  the 
number  of  inquisitorial  ordinances  and  decrees. 
Proceedings  were  even  taken  against  two  bishops 
of  Jewish  lineage,  on  account  of  the  supposed 
apostacy  of  their  ancestors;  with  the  result  that 


The  Inquisition  261 

one  of  them,  Pedro  de  Aranda,  Bishop  of  Cala- 
horra,  found  himself  despoiled  of  his  see  and 
revenues,  while  the  other,  the  aged  Juan  Arias 
Davila,  Bishop  of  Segovia,  died  at  Rome,  after 
successfully  pleading  his  cause  there  before  the 
Pope. 

The  complaints  and  appeals  lodged  against  Tor- 
quemada's  unbridled  tyranny  grew  so  loud  that 
in  1494  Alexander  VI.  appointed  four  other  in- 
quisitor-generals with  equal  power,  in  the  hope 
that  they  would  exercise  a  restraining  influence 
over  their  colleague's  actions.  He,  however,  con- 
tinued his  work  with  unshaken  zeal,  until  in  1498, 
he  died  tranquilly  at  the  monastery  he  had  founded 
at  Avila,  confident  of  a  life  well  spent  in  devotion 
to  the  Faith,  and  revered  as  a  Saint  by  the  rest  of 
his  Order. 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  exactly  how  many 
heretics  were  burned  during  his  term  of  office ;  some 
historians  placing  the  number  at  more  than  8000, 
and  others  at  2000,  while  90,000  are  declared  to 
have  been  subject  to  various  forms  of  penance. 
Whatever  the  exact  statistics,  they  represent  but 
a  small  section  of  the  results  of  the  Inquisition 
during  these  years.  Men  die  and  are  forgotten 
but  the  suspicion  and  treachery  that  are  born  of 
terror,  the  spirit  of  pitiless  fanaticism  that  springs 


262  Isabel  of  Castile 

from  licensed  intolerance,  the  intellect  bowed  into 
subservience  to  an  iron  yoke  of  uniformity, — these 
were  to  leave  their  mark  for  generations  and  lessen 
the  force  of  progress  that  Ferdinand  and  Isabel 
fostered  so  strongly  in  other  directions. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  EXPULSION   OF   THE  JEWS   AND  MUDEJARES 

THE  Inquisition,  which  made  life  impossible  for 
Spanish  heretics,  had  no  direct  power  over 
unbaptized  Jews,  since  it  could  not  convict  them 
of  apostasy  in  connection  with  a  faith  they  had 
never  professed.  Some  of  their  race,  indeed,  were 
summoned  before  the  Holy  Office,  accused  of  sub- 
verting Christian  neighbours  to  Judaism ;  but  their 
pronoimced  reluctance  to  share  the  privileges  of 
their  religion  with  Gentiles  prevented  any  wide- 
spread application  of  this  charge. 

Nevertheless  it  was  obvious  that  in  a  land  where 
their  converted  brethren  had  been  subject  to 
torture,  imprisonment,  and  death,  they  themselves 
could  not  long  hope  to  escape  the  fury  of  popular 
fanaticism.  Their  wealth  and  their  pride  aroused 
envy  and  dislike  so  violent  that  their  very  qualities 
and  virtues  appeared  to  Spanish  prejudice  as 
though  bom  of  malignant  design.  The  Curate  of 
Los  Palacios,  enumerating  the  posts  of  responsibil- 

263 


264  Isabel  of  Castile 

ity  and  the  openings  in  the  skilled  labour-market 
to  which  their  talents  and  industry  gave  them 
access,  declared  that  "they  sought  only  comfort- 
able berths,  where  they  could  gain  much  money 
with  little  toil";  as  if  the  work  of  merchant,  land- 
agent,  weaver,  tailor,  or  silversmith,  demanded  less 
capacity  than  tilling  the  soil  or  laying  bricks. 

Similarly,  their  unsurpassed  knowledge  of  medi- 
cine and  skill  in  surgery  were  proclaimed,  about 
the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  by  a  Franciscan 
friar  of  high  reputation,  to  have  been  acquired 
solely  from  a  desire  to  harm  their  Christian  neigh- 
bours. It  was  a  suggestion  to  which  the  close 
connection  at  that  time  between  medicine,  as- 
trology, and  the  black  arts,  lent  some  colour. 

In  1480,  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  forbade  Christian 
patients  to  be  attended  by  Jews;  but  it  is  signifi- 
cant that  some  years  later  the  Spanish  Dominicans 
petitioned  for  a  dispensation  from  this  decree,  on 
the  plea  that  doctors  of  their  own  creed  were 
almost  impossible  to  find.  It  was  to  a  Jew  also  that 
John  II.  of  Aragon,  Ferdinand's  father,  had  turned 
for  advice,  when  overcome  by  blindness  in  his  old 
age ;  with  the  result  that  this  physician  successfully 
performed  a  double  operation  for  cataract. 

Of  all  the  professions  and  employments,  how- 
ever, to  which  the  unpopularity  of  the  Jew  may  be 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled     265 

traced,  it  was  the  office  of  money-lender  that  most 
earned  for  him  the  hatred  and  suspicion  of  his 
fellow  citizens.  The  Church  had  from  very  early 
days  condemned  any  lending  of  money  at  interest 
as  a  form  of  usury;  but  since  it  was  impossible  to 
carry  on  business  or  trade  on  a  large  scale  without 
borrowed  capital,  Christian  financiers  as  well  as 
needy  spendthrifts  were  driven  to  have  recourse 
to  a  people,  whose  moral  code  permitted  them  to 
effect  the  loan  at  a  profit. 

"That  cunning  race,"  says  the  Curate  of  Los 
Palacios,  "who  battened  on  usury  exacted  from  the 
Christians,  and  of  whom  many,  poor  but  a  short 
time  before,  became  speedily  rich."  Scarcity  of 
coinage,  the  lack  of  certain  security  for  their 
bonds,  and  the  secret  favour  they  enjoyed  w4th 
many  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  who,  besides 
borrowing  from  them,  reaped  a  large  revenue  from 
the  Jewish  poll-tax,  account  for  the  high  rate  of 
interest  that  they  usually  charged.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fifteenth  century  this  has  been 
reckoned  as  from  twenty  per  cent,  in  Castile  to 
thirty  per  cent,  in  Aragon. 

The  enactment  that  Jewish  doctors  should  not 
attend  Christians  is  typical  of  the  attitude  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabel  towards  this  subject  race. 
Toleration  and  protection  on  a  limited  basis  were 


266  Isabel  of  Castile 

at  first  a  matter  of  necessity,  both  on  political  and 
financial  grounds;  but  the  lines  of  separation  and 
segregation  were  tightened,  and  the  "Ghetto"  of 
the  Spanish  Israelite  became  an  unfortified  camp, 
whose  enemies  only  awaited  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity to  soiuid  the  attack  that  would  leave  it  a 
ruin. 

So  long  as  the  Moorish  war  lasted,  Jewish  taxes 
and  Jewish  financiers  contributed  too  largely  to 
the  expenditure  and  organization  of  the  various 
campaigns,  for  their  supply  and  safety  to  be  en- 
dangered; but  the  conquest  of  the  Infidel  rang  the 
knell  of  the  Hebrew  unbeliever.  The  sovereigns* 
hands  were  free ;  the  Crescent  lay  trampled  on  the 
battlefields  of  Granada;  and  the  sword  that  had 
been  suspended  for  so  many  years  over  the 
Juderias  at  length  fell. 

Later  history,  weaving  a  popular  tale  round  the 
crisis,  informs  us  that  two  of  the  richest  Jews, 
aware  of  the  danger  in  store,  tried  to  avert  it 
by  heavily  bribing  Ferdinand  and  Isabel.  While 
the  latter  were  considering  their  offer,  Torque- 
mada  appeared  suddenly  in  the  royal  presence. 
Holding  up  a  crucifix,  he  exclaimed:  "Lo!  Here 
is  the  Crucified,  Whom  Judas  sold  for  thirty  pieces 
of  silver.  Will  you  sell  Him  again  for  thirty 
thousand?"     Then,   passionately   declaring   that 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled     267 

he  at  any  rate  would  have  no  part  in  the  trans- 
action, he  threw  down  the  crucifix  and  left  the 
room. 

The  story  is  typical  at  least  of  the  Inquisitor- 
General's  remorseless  fanaticism;  and  the  edict 
issued  on  March  30,  1492,  expressed  the  triumph 
of  his  views.  By  it  the  Jews  of  Spain  were  allowed 
five  months  in  which  to  choose  between  baptism 
and  exile.  In  the  latter  case,  they  might  sell  their 
property  or  take  with  them  to  other  lands  as  much 
of  their  goods  as  they  could  carry;  but,  since  the 
export  of  gold  and  silver  was  strictly  forbidden, 
this  permission  savoured  more  of  mockery  than 
of  indulgence. 

Perhaps  it  was  believed  that,  faced  by  the  terror 
of  expulsion,  the  Jews  would  welcome  baptism; 
but  the  men  and  women  to  whom  the  choice  came 
were  descendants  of  those  who  in  a  previous  time 
of  danger  had  remained  staunch  to  their  faith; 
while  the  sufferings  of  the  New  Christians  at  the 
hands  of  the  Inquisition  were  hardly  an  incentive 
to  conversion. 

The  majority,  therefore,  trusting  vainly,  as  the 
Curate  of  Los  Palacios  points  out  with  fanatical 
joy,  that  God  would  guide  them  through  this  new 
wilderness,  accepted  exile  with  all  its  unknown 
horrors.      The   shortness   of   the    term   of   grace 


268  Isabel  of  Castile 

allotted  to  them,  and  the  necessity  of  selling  or 
losing  their  property  made  real  bargaining  im- 
possible. 

They  went  about  seeking  purchasers  and  found  none 
who  were  anxious  to  buy;  and  they  gave  a  house  in 
exchange  for  an  ass,  and  a  vineyard  for  a  length  of 
cloth  or  linen,  because  they  might  not  take  gold  nor 
silver. 

Fearful  lest  their  misery  should  soften  popular 
hatred  (and  even  Bernaldez  admits  that  none 
saw  them  leave  their  homes  without  pity),  Tor- 
quemada  had  forbidden  the  Christians  to  hold  any 
intercourse  with  Jews  after  August  i,  1492,  or  to 
allow  them  food  or  shelter  as  they  started  on  their 
exodus.  He  also  took  care  that  all  the  old  calum- 
nies of  devilish  rites  and  of  insults  to  Christian 
relics  and  objects  of  veneration  should  be  pub- 
lished abroad  to  impress  the  credulous.  The  theft 
of  the  consecrated  wafer  for  use  in  a  sacrilegious 
plot,  the  murder  of  a  Christian  child  as  a  neces- 
sary portion  of  the  Jewish  rites,  the  revival  of 
these  and  many  other  such  tales  helped  to  keep 
fanaticism  at  white  heat. 

In  defiance  of  the  law,  many  of  the  exiles  hid 
money  about  their  clothes  and  persons ;  but  those, 
who  were  not  discovered  and  despoiled  before  they 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled     269 

left  the  country,  spent  most  of  it  in  attempts  to 
buy  the  food  and  protection  they  could  not  obtain 
from  friendliness  and  compassion.  The  rulers  of 
the  synagogues,  who  made  arrangements  for  the 
future  of  the  community,  were  forced  also  to 
accept  asylums  where  they  could  at  the  owner's 
price;  and  the  weary  masses,  who  crossed  the 
Portuguese  border,  paid  to  its  king  a  cruzado 
a  head,  for  permission  to  spend  six  months  within 
his  boundaries  on  their  way  to  some  permanent 
refuge.  From  there  many  of  them  crossed  to  the 
north  coast  of  Africa  to  join  those  of  their  race, 
who  had  sailed  direct  from  Spain  to  the  kingdom 
of  Fez;  but  so  frightful  were  the  sufferings  they 
endured  that  numbers  in  despair  returned  home 
seeking  baptism.  Robbed  and  maltreated  by  the 
native  guards,  whom  they  had  paid  to  protect 
them,  their  wives  and  daughters  violated  before 
their  eyes,  the  unhappy  exiles,  in  their  feebleness 
and  poverty,  found  no  favour  in  the  sight  of  the 
Moorish  King  and  were  driven  from  his  capital. 
A  like  inhumanity  was  shown  to  those  who  had 
made  Navarre  or  Italy  their  destination ;  and  thus 
by  the  sword,  pestilence,  slavery,  or  starvation, 
Christian  vengeance  on  pride  of  race,  wealth,  and 
unbelief  was  exacted  to  the  uttermost  farthing. 
Here  is  the  witness  of  a  son  of  one  of  the  exiles : 


270  Isabel  of  Castile 

For  some  the  Turks  killed  to  take  out  the  gold  which 
they  had  swallowed  to  hide  it;  some  of  them  the 
hunger  and  plague  consumed,  and  some  of  them  were 
cast  naked  by  the  captains  on  the  isles  of  the  sea; 
and  some  of  them  were  sold  for  men-servants  and 
maid-servants  in  Genoa  and  its  villages,  and  some  of 
them  were  cast  into  the  sea.  .  .  .  For  there  were, 
among  those  who  were  cast  into  the  isles  of  the  sea 
upon  Provence,  a  Jew  and  his  old  father  fainting  from 
hunger,  begging  bread,  for  there  was  no  one  to  break 
unto  him  in  a  strange  country.  And  the  man  went 
and  sold  his  son  for  bread  to  restore  the  soul  of  the  old 
man.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  returned  to  his 
old  father,  that  he  found  him  fallen  down  dead,  and 
he  rent  his  clothes.  And  he  returned  unto  the  baker 
to  take  his  son,  and  the  baker  would  not  give  him 
back,  and  he  cried  out  with  a  loud  and  bitter  cry  for 
his  son,  and  there  was  none  to  deliver.^ 

The  statistics  of  the  expulsion  have  been  vari- 
ously estimated;  but  the  latest  and  most  trust- 
worthy investigation  reckons  the  number  of  those 
baptized  at  50,000,  and  of  those  who  emigrated  or 
died  at  185,000,  though  this  may  err  on  the  side  of 
exaggeration. 

"Do  you  call  this  king  a  statesman,  who  im- 
poverishes his  land  and  enriches  mine?"  asked 
the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  who,  alone  of  European 
sovereigns,  held  out  a  welcoming  hand  to  the 
refugees. 

'Lea,  History  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  i.,  Ch.  III. 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled    271 

It  is  probable  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  realized 
their  political  folly  in  driving  from  their  shores  that 
most  valuable  of  all  national  wealth,  talent,  and 
industry.  Fanaticism  not  policy  had  dictated  their 
edict;  and  to  their  determination  that  one  faith 
alone  should  be  held  within  their  dominions  they 
were  prepared  to  sacrifice  even  the  economic  wel- 
fare that  they  had  next  at  heart. 

It  seemed  at  first  as  if  the  "Mudejares,"  or 
subject  Moors,  would  escape  the  general  persecu- 
tion. They  had  neither  the  strong  racial  charac- 
teristics of  the  Jew,  nor,  though  industrious  and 
able  workers,  the  same  capacity  for  fleecing  their 
Christian  neighbours;  and  thus  their  conquerors 
came  to  regard  them  with  contemptuous  tolera- 
tion rather  than  antipathy.  For  eight  years  after 
the  fall  of  Granada  peace  reigned  in  that  city, 
in  spite  of  the  difficulties  attending  the  terms  of 
capitulation,  to  which  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  had 
been  forced  to  agree  in  their  eagerness  for  a 
speedy  surrender. 

Such  a  treaty  [says  Prescott]  depending  for  its 
observance  on  the  good  faith  and  forbearance  of  the 
stronger  party  would  not  hold  together  a  year  in  any 
country  of  Christendom  even  at  the  present  day, 
before  some  flaw  or  pretext  would  be  devised  to 
evade  it. 


272 


Isabel  of  Castile 


That  it  had  been  possible  so  long  was  chiefly  due 
to  the  conciliatory  policy  adopted  by  the  military 
governor,  the  Count  of  Tendilla,  and  by  the  Arch- 
bishop, Fra  Fernando  de  Talavera.  The  latter 
had  entered  on  his  office  in  a  spirit  of  humility 
that  was  to  serve  him  far  better  than  any  self- 
assurance.  Convinced  of  the  inborn  righteousness 
and  appeal  of  the  Christian  Faith,  he  believed 
that  it  had  only  to  be  understood  to  be  accepted; 
and,  in  order  to  bring  himself  mentally  in  touch 
with  the  "Alfaquis,"  or  Doctors  of  the  Mahome- 
tan law,  he  proceeded  to  learn  Arabic  himself 
and  to  exhort  his  subordinate  priests  to  do  the 
same.  By  his  orders  an  Arabic  vocabulary  and 
grammar  were  written,  while  the  catechism  and 
liturgy,  with  portions  from  the  Gospels,  were 
translated  into  the  same  language. 

The  Moors  of  Granada  had  been  subject  to 
tyranny  all  their  days,  whether  under  a  Boabdil 
or  an  Abdallah  "El  Zagal,"  and,  though  at  first 
suspicious  of  their  conquerors,  they  soon  began 
to  respond  to  the  justice  and  sympathy  that  they 
encountered.  Numbers,  after  discussions  and  talks 
with  "El  Santo  Alfaki,"  "The  Holy  Priest"  as 
they  called  Fra  Fernando,  accepted  baptism;  while 
those  who  held  to  their  old  religion  learned  to 
revere  and  trust  him.    Granada  was  in  fact  adapt- 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled    273 

ing  herself  fast  to  the  new  conditions  of  life;  and, 
when  in  1499  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  visited  the 
city,  they  expressed  their  appreciation  of  the 
peace  and  order  that  they  found  there.  So  little 
wrath  did  they  feel  against  the  Mahometans  that, 
when  two  years  before  King  Emmanuel  of  Portugal 
had  offered  to  his  Moorish  subjects  a  choice  of 
baptism  or  expulsion,  they  had  welcomed  the 
exiles  as  a  valuable  addition  to  their  population, 
taking  them  under  their  special  protection. 

Ximenes  de  Cisneros  had  accompanied  the  sov- 
ereigns to  Granada ;  and  by  misfortune  when  they 
left  he  remained  to  assist  his  fellow-Archbishop 
in  the  task  of  conversion.  Impatient  of  the  slow 
process  of  religious  absorption  that  he  found  in 
progress,  he  mistook  the  friendliness  of  the  Mude- 
jar  for  weakness  and  declared  that  only  a  little 
firmness  was  now  needed  to  induce  the  whole 
population  to  accept  Christianity.  As  a  pre- 
liminary he  summoned  the  leading  "Alfaquis"  to 
various  conferences  in  which  he  harangued  them 
on  the  truths  of  Catholicism,  endeavouring  to  gain 
their  agreement  with  his  views,  not  only  by  elo- 
quence but  by  liberal  gifts  of  rich  stuffs  and  cloth- 
ing that  he  guessed  would  appeal  to  Oriental  taste. 

The  result  was  so  successful  that  Cisneros  was 
confirmed  in  the  conviction  that  he  was  indeed  on 
18 


274  Isabel  of  Castile 

the  right  track,  and  the  humble  Fra  Fernando  was 
deeply  impressed.  The  majority  of  the  "Alfa- 
quis," whether  intimidated  by  a  consciousness  of 
approaching  storms,  or  moved  by  the  Primate's 
arguments  and  gifts,  accepted  conversion,  bring- 
ing with  them  to  the  font  those  who  looked  to 
them  for  spiritual  guidance.  On  a  single  day  three 
thousand  candidates  were  said  to  have  presented 
themselves  for  baptism,  a  number  so  great  that 
the  ordinary  individual  ablution  proved  impossible 
and  the  kneeling  crowd  had  to  be  sprinkled  with 
holy  water  from  a  brush. 

The  stricter  Mahometans  protested  angrily  that 
the  Archbishop's  methods  were  a  violation  of  the 
terms  of  surrender  that  had  guaranteed  them  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religion  without  any  undue 
influence;  whereupon  Cisneros,  equally  irritated 
at  this  opposition,  seized  and  imprisoned  its  ring- 
leader, a  certain  Zegri  Azaator.  Strict  confine- 
ment in  fetters,  under  the  charge  of  a  Castilian 
official  called  Leon,  soon  led  the  prisoner  to  repent 
of  his  temerity  and  to  express  a  desire  for  bap- 
tism, with  the  rueful  admission  that  if  "this 
lion,"  as  he  referred  to  his  gaoler,  were  let  loose 
in  Granada  few  would  be  able  to  resist  his 
arguments. 

Such  a  remark  could  only  add  fuel  to  the  Arch- 


( 


Jews  and  Muclejares  Expelled     275 

bishop  of  Toledo's  already  ardent  belief  in  the 
efBcacy  of  strong  measures ;  and  from  this  time  the 
old  toleration  and  confidence  vanished  for  ever. 
The  new  spirit  may  be  seen  in  Cisneros's  scornful 
criticism  of  Fra  Fernando's  scheme  for  translating 
the  scriptures  completely  into  Arabic,  as  he  had 
done  with  the  liturgy  and  catechism.  "Will  you, " 
he  asked,  "cast  pearls  before  swine?  or  can  they  in 
their  ignorance  fail  to  interpret  the  Word  of  God 
to  their  own  destruction?" 

Determined  that  at  any  rate  the  Moors  should 
not  continue  their  heretical  studies,  he  began  to 
make  inquiries  as  to  Arabic  literature;  and,  as  a 
result  of  this  inquisition,  instituted  autos-de-Je 
of  illuminated  manuscripts,  priceless  because  they 
were  often  unique.  Out  of  the  many  thousand 
treasures  of  eastern  lore  that  perished  in  the 
flames,  a  few  hundred  treatises  on  medicine  were 
alone  saved  to  grace  the  shelves  of  the  Toledan 
library  at  Alcala  de  Henares. 

It  was  a  sight  to  make  cultured  Moors  weep  with 
rage,  but  Cisneros  was  soon  no  less  unpopular 
with  the  poorer  and  more  ignorant  citizens.  These 
numbered  in  their  ranks  a  fair  proportion  of  Chris- 
tian renegades,  men  who  for  various  causes  had 
passed  into  the  service  of  the  Moors,  and  with 
their  allegiance  changed  their  faith.    It  had  been 


276 


Isabel  of  Castile 


necessary  to  insert  special  clauses  for  their  protec- 
tion in  the  terms  of  capitulation ;  for  the  Christians 
regarded  them  with  special  loathing,  as  guilty  of 
treachery  in  its  vilest  form ;  and  Cisneros,  quibbling 
between  the  spirit  and  the  letter  of  the  law,  now 
asserted  that  the  treaty  did  not  hold  good  where 
their  children  were  concerned.  As  descendants  of 
persons  who  had  once  been  baptized,  these  should 
be  baptized  also,  and  for  the  same  reason  come 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Holy  Office. 

One  day  he  sent  two  of  his  officials  to  arrest  the 
daughter  of  a  renegade  who  lived  in  the  Albaycin, 
a  quarter  of  the  city  whose  turbulence  we  have 
already  noticed.  The  girl,  screaming  as  they 
dragged  her  from  the  house,  that  she  would  be 
compelled  to  become  a  Christian  against  her  will, 
attracted  a  large  crowd  from  the  surrounding 
streets;  and  in  the  scuffle  that  followed  one  of  the 
officials  was  killed  by  a  heavy  stone  thrown  from 
a  window  above,  while  the  other  barely  escaped 
with  his  life. 

Having  thus  drawn  blood,  the  mob,  in  a  danger- 
ous mood,  clamoured  for  the  death  of  the  unpopu- 
lar Archbishop,  and  seizing  arms  rushed  to  the 
fortress  of  the  Alcazaba  where  he  resided.  The 
Count  of  Tendilla,  who  was  in  the  Alhambra,  came 
to  his  assistance  and  managed  to  disperse  the 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled    2^'] 

rioters;  but  the  disaffection  increased,  and  the 
situation  grew  every  hour  more  strained. 

At  this  crisis,  Fra  Fernando  de  Talavera,  un- 
armed and  accompanied  solely  by  a  cross-bearer, 
made  his  way  where  the  throng  of  rioters  was 
densest.  The  effect  was  magical;  for,  almost  in  a 
moment,  the  prevailing  anger  and  suspicion  van- 
ished, and  many  of  the  ring- leaders  crowding  round 
the  old  Archbishop  humbly  knelt  to  kiss  his  robe. 
The  Count  of  Tendilla,  seeing  a  hope  of  reconcilia- 
tion, came  forward  also  with  a  few  of  his  men-at- 
arms,  and  throwing  his  scarlet  cap  upon  the 
ground  in  sign  of  peace,  induced  them,  by  the 
surrender  of  his  wife  and  children  as  hostages  for 
his  good  faith,  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  return 
to  their  homes. 

Accounts  of  the  riot  and  its  causes  were  hastily 
dispatched  to  the  King  and  Queen  at  Seville;  and, 
Cisneros's  particular  messenger  being  delayed,  their 
anger  was  at  first  directed  against  him ;  and  Isabel 
wrote,  demanding  an  explanation  of  his  provoca- 
tive action.  In  response  Cisneros  himself  soon 
appeared  at  Court,  and,  undaunted  by  the  failure 
of  his  last  efforts  or  the  coldness  with  which  he  was 
received,  justified  his  conduct  with  much  the  same 
reasoning  that  Torquemada  upheld  the  righteous- 
ness of  the  Inquisition.     The  people  of  Granada, 


278  Isabel  of  Castile 

he  declared  in  conclusion,  had  forfeited  the  terms 
of  capitulation  by  their  outburst  of  rebellion;  and 
he  urged  that  the  sovereigns  should  not  let  them 
go  unpunished,  and  that  they  should  push  forward 
the  Faith  with  unswerving  devotion  by  every 
means  in  their  power. 

His  arguments,  with  their  obvious  flaw  that  he 
himself  by  an  evasion  of  the  terms  was  mainly 
responsible  for  the  rebellion  in  question,  yet  car- 
ried conviction  in  an  atmosphere,  whose  natural 
intolerance  of  heretics  and  infidels  had  been  con- 
siderably stimulated  by  the  persecution  of  the  last 
twenty  years — for  it  is  a  commonplace  that  fanati- 
cism breeds  fanatics.  The  milder  counsels  of  Fra 
Fernando  de  Talavera  and  the  Count  of  Tendilla 
were  rejected;  and  a  certain  patriotic  sanction 
seemed  given  to  the  rigorous  proceedings  taken 
against  the  rioters,  when  threatening  letters  were 
received  from  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  showing  that 
the  Mahometans  of  Granada  had  dared  to  appeal 
to  him  for  assistance. 

Cisneros's  triumphant  return  to  the  southern 
capital  was  marked  by  the  baptism  of  from  fifty  to 
seventy  thousand  Moors  within  the  city  and  its 
environs.  Outward  peace  reigned;  but  trouble 
was  brewing  in  the  mountains  of  the  Alpujarras 
to  the  south-east,  where  many  of  those  who  were 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled    279 

determined  not  to  accept  conversion  had  taken 
refuge  to  plan  and  plot. 

The  sovereigns,  alarmed  at  this  news,  dictated 
a  letter  of  conciliation  to  their  secretary,  and  sent 
it  to  the  disaffected  area : 

Be  it  known  unto  you  [they  said]  that,  a  report 
having  reached  our  ears  that  some  declare  it  is  our 
will  that  you  should  be  compelled  by  force  to  embrace 
Christianity,  and,  since  it  never  was,  nor  is  it  our  will 
that  any  Moor  should  turn  Christian  under  compul- 
sion, we  therefore  assure  and  promise  you,  on  our 
royal  word,  that  we  have  not  consented  nor  allowed 
this;  and  that  we  wish  that  the  Moors,  our  vassals, 
should  remain  secure  and  meet  with  all  justice  as  our 
vassals  and  servants. 

Given  in  the  City  of  Seville,  in  the  twenty  and 
sixth  day  of  the  month  of  January.  .  .  .  I  the  King. 
I  the  Queen." 

The  matter  of  the  writing  was  fair  enough,  but 
the  Moors  might  be  forgiven  if  they  considered  the 
royal  word  a  somewhat  dubious  safeguard.  Ferdi- 
nand, despite  his  pacific  protestations,  was  collect- 
ing an  army;  and  the  rebels  hastened  to  seize  the 
nearest  fortresses  and  to  make  raids  in  the  Vega 
beyond. 

The  Count  of  Tendilla,  and  Gonsalvo  de 
Cordova,  who  happened  at  this  time  to  be  in 
Granada,  marched  against  them;  and,  although 


28o  Isabel  of  Castile 

the  enemy  flooded  the  deep  furrows  of  the  plough- 
land  across  which  the  troops  must  ride  until  they 
floundered  up  to  their  horses'  girths,  yet  the 
Christians  succeeded  in  storming  the  important 
stronghold  of  Guejar.  The  arrival  of  Ferdinand 
and  his  army  led  to  the  reduction  of  other  for- 
tresses, conquests  stained  by  sanguinary  deeds  of 
vengeance,  as  when  the  Count  of  Lerin  blew  up 
with  gunpowder  a  mosque,  in  which  a  number 
of  Moors  had  taken  refuge  with  their  wives  and 
children. 

The  rebels,  realizing  at  length  the  futility  of 
resistance,  sued  for  peace;  and  by  the  mediation 
of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  conditions  were  arranged, 
and  Ferdinand  departed  to  Seville.  He  and  the 
Queen  were  now  convinced  that  Southern  Spain 
would  never  be  quiet  or  secure  so  long  as  its  in- 
habitants remained  Mahometans,  and  were  thus 
more  closely  allied  in  sympathy  with  the  tribes  of 
Africa  than  with  Castilians  or  Aragonese.  They 
therefore  sent  Franciscan  missionaries  to  Baeza, 
Guadix,  Almeria,  and  the  Alpujarras,  arming  them 
with  the  alternative  weapons  of  concessions  or 
threats ;  a  provision  so  efficacious  that  by  the  close 
of  the  year  the  friars  could  boast  of  a  wholesale 
conversion  of  their  flock. 

In  the  meantime  the  disaffection  that  had  died 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled    281 

down  or  been  smothered  in  the  south-east  broke 
out  with  greater  violence  in  Western  Granada, 
where  the  Berber  race  that  inhabited  Ronda  and 
its  mountainous  environs  suddenly  raised  the 
standard   of   revolt. 

Washington  Irving,  in  his  legend  of  The  Death 
of  Don  Alonso  de  Aguilar,  has  left  a  graphic  account 
of  the  punitive  expedition  commanded  by  that 
famous  warrior.  He  took  with  him  Don  Pedro 
his  son ;  and,  as  they  rode  out  of  Cordova  in  March, 
1504,  the  people,  punning  on  the  family  name  so 
closely  resembling  the  Spanish  word  for  eagle, 
cried  aloud :  "  Behold  the  eagle  teaching  her  young 
to  fly!    Long  live  the  valiant  line  of  Aguilar!" 

Many  of  the  rebels,  who  knew  his  reputation, 
came  and  surrendered  at  his  approach;  while  the 
rest,  under  the  leadership  of  a  certain  El  Feri  Ben 
Estepar,  retreated  before  him  into  the  fastnesses 
of  the  Sierra  Vermeja.  The  Christians  pursued  hot 
after  them,  and  coming  one  evening  upon  a  forti- 
fied camp,  where  the  enemy  had  placed  their 
women  and  children  and  stored  their  possessions, 
the  vanguard  recklessly  rushed  to  the  assault. 
The  fierceness  of  their  attack,  backed  up  by  the 
speedy  reinforcement  of  Don  Alonso  and  the  rest 
of  his  army,  carried  the  position  in  the  teeth  of  far 
superior  numbers ;  whereupon  the  besiegers,  think- 


282  Isabel  of  Castile 

ing  their  victory  assured,  began  to  plunder.  They 
were  soon  piinished  for  their  lack  of  caution,  since, 
through  a  spark  falling  on  a  keg  of  gunpowder,  the 
whole  scene  was  momentarily  lit  up,  and  showed 
the  weakness  of  the  scattered  troops  to  the  Moors, 
still  hovering  on  the  mountain-side  above.  With 
a  shout  of  triumph  these  returned  to  renew  the 
combat,  and  descending  from  peak  and  ridge, 
drove  their  foes  before  them  in  hopeless  confusion. 
Don  Alonso  and  some  few  hundred  knights  alone 
disdained  to  escape.  "Never,"  cried  the  leader, 
"did  the  banner  of  the  House  of  Aguilar  retreat 
one  foot  in  the  field  of  battle."  His  young  son 
was  seriously  wounded,  but  would  have  struggled 
on  still  had  not  his  father  ordered  some  of  his  men 
to  carry  him  to  a  place  of  safety,  saying:  "Let  us 
not  put  everything  to  venture  upon  one  hazard. 
.  .  .  Live  to  comfort  and  honour  thy  mother." 
He  himself  remained  fighting  valiantly  till  wounded 
and  already  exhausted,  he  met  in  personal  com- 
bat with  El  Feri  Ben  Estepar,  and  the  latter's 
dagger  ended  his  life. 

Thus  fell  Alonso  de  Aguilar,  the  mirror  of  Anda- 
lusian  chivalry;  one  of  the  most  powerful  grandees  of 
Spain,  for  person,  blood,  estate,  and  office.  For  forty 
years  he  had  waged  successful  war  upon  the  Moors; 
in  childhood,  by  his  household  and  retainers;  in  man- 


Jews  and  Mudejares  Expelled    283 

hood,  by  the  prowess  of  his  arm  and  the  wisdom  and 
valour  of  his  spirit;  he  had  been  general  of  armies, 
viceroy  of  Andalusia,  and  the  author  of  glorious 
enterprises,  in  which  kings  were  vanquished  and 
mighty  alcaydes  and  warriors  laid  low. 

The  anger  and  sorrow  that  swept  through 
Spain  at  the  news  of  this  disaster  can  be  imagined, 
the  more  that  Don  Alonso  had  found  a  fitting 
companion  in  death  in  Francisco  Ramirez  de 
Madrid,  the  famous  artillery-captain  of  the  Moor- 
ish war.  As  they  saw  these  heroes,  lying  sur- 
rounded by  the  corpses  of  unknown  Christian 
knights  and  soldiers,  the  very  Moors  were  appalled 
at  the  extent  of  their  own  victory.  What  direful 
vengeance  would  be  exacted  for  lives  so  precious? 
they  asked  one  another;  and  all  felt  that  only 
instant  submission  could  save  them  from  exter- 
mination. 

Ferdinand  was  never  the  man  to  let  passion 
obscure  his  ultimate  object;  and,  in  response  to  the 
rebels'  petition  for  mercy,  he  agreed  to  grant  an 
amnesty ;  but  he  insisted  that  they  and  the  rest  of 
their  race  must  choose  between  baptism  and  ex- 
pulsion. In  the  latter  case,  he  offered  to  provide 
ships  to  convey  the  exiles  to  the  African  coast, 
on  the  payment  of  ten  doblas  of  gold  per  head, — 
a  sum  that,  according  to  Bleda  the  chronicler,  few 


284  Isabel  of  Castile 

of  them  could  hope  to  raise.  The  majority  there- 
fore accepted  baptism;  and,  with  the  conversion 
of  the  "Moriscos,"  as  these  new  Christians  were 
called,  the  Mahometan  Faith  vanished  from  the 
soil  of  Granada. 

One  last  crowning  work  was  needed  to  complete 
the  edifice  of  religious  unity;  and  that  was  the 
conversion  of  the  "Mudejares,"  descendants  of 
the  Moorish  villagers  and  artisans  left  on  Spanish 
territory  by  the  receding  waves  of  Islam.  In 
February,  1502,  their  knell  was  also  struck;  and  a 
royal  proclamation  determined  the  baptism  or 
exile  of  all  males  over  fourteen  years  or  of  females 
over  twelve ;  so  many  restrictions  as  to  the  wealth 
and  destination  of  the  exiles  being  imposed  that 
the  choice  was  virtually  narrowed  to  acceptance 
of  the  other  alternative.  Plainly,  the  sovereigns 
did  not  intend  to  lose  any  more  of  their  prosperous 
and  hard-working  subjects. 

The  proclamation,  evaded  and  even  rescinded 
in  Aragon,  held  good  in  Castile;  and  Isabel,  look- 
ing round  on  her  dominions,  could  pride  herself 
on  having  attained  her  spiritual  ideal.  The 
Catholic  Faith,  and  that  alone,  was  acknowledged 
in  Castile. 


CHAPTER   X 

CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS 

THE  name  of  Christopher  Columbus  stands 
already  on  the  roll  of  "Heroes  of  the  Na- 
tions. "  "  Hero  of  two  nations ' '  we  should  perhaps 
call  him, — by  birth  a  son  of  Genoa,  and  by  adop- 
tion of  Castile  to  whom,  in  his  own  words,  "he 
gave  a  new  world." 

Those  who  would  read  of  his  voyages  should 
turn  to  the  pages  of  Washington  Irving,  of 
Thacher,  and  of  Filson  Young;  for  it  is  chiefly  in 
his  immediate  connection  with  Castile  and  her 
Queen  and  not  for  his  actual  work  as  mariner  and 
discoverer  that  his  life  falls  within  the  scope  of  this 
biography. 

Here  is  the  man  who  has  made  the  name  of  Spain 
ring  with  glory  down  the  centuries.  Here,  in  the 
background,  somewhat  dimmed  in  the  sight  of 
posterity  through  the  radiance  of  a  greater  genius, 
is  Isabel  of  Castile,  she  whose  tireless  patriotism 
made  it  possible  for  Spain  to  enter  on  the  newly 

285 


286  Isabel  of  Castile 

discovered  heritage  of  wealth  and  empire.  Be- 
tween pioneer  and  Queen  there  is  the  link  not  only 
of  mere  capacity  but  of  that  greatness  of  vision 
and  unfaltering  determination  to  reach  a  desired 
goal,  that  finds  in  obstacles  an  incentive  to  renewed 
efforts  rather  than  a  check.  It  is  a  fitting  harmony, 
not  often  granted  in  history,  that  two  such  spirits 
should  act  in  unison.  Yet  in  truth  the  proposed 
harmony  threatened  more  than  once  to  end  if  not 
in  discord  at  least  in  silence;  and  the  discoverer 
was  to  gain  the  sanction  of  his  patroness  to  his 
schemes  only  after  many  vicissitudes  and  trials 
of  his  patience. 

The  son  of  a  Genoese  wool-carder,  the  history 
of  his  youth  and  early  manhood  is  obscured  by 
numberless  conflicting  statements  and  traditions, 
a  confusion  only  increased  by  the  information 
volunteered  by  Columbus  himself.  From  the 
suburb  of  a  busy  commercial  city,  unknown  and 
poor,  he  passed  to  the  seats  of  the  mighty,  and, 
in  the  light  of  his  fame,  recalled  half -effaced  mem- 
ories of  the  days  he  had  put  so  far  behind  him, 
an  autobiography  sometimes  more  in  accordance 
with  imagination  than  with  truth.  Admirers 
added  their  embellishments,  detractors  their  quota 
of  sneering  comments,  till  the  information  so  com- 
bined is  almost  more  baffling  than  complete  silence. 


IMAGINARY   PORTRAIT 

THE    AUTHENTIC    PORTRAIT    OF    CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS 


Christopher  Columbus  287 

Even  as  to  the  date  of  his  birth  there  is  a  diver- 
gence of  opinion  amongst  historians  varying  as 
widely  as  some  twenty-six  years;  while  tradition 
has  connected  him  with  noble  families  of  Italy 
and  France,  has  sent  him  to  the  University  of 
Pa  via,  has  made  him  one  of  an  expedition  to  place 
the  House  of  Anjou  on  the  throne  of  Naples,  and 
has  driven  him  on  his  journeyings  as  far  north  as 
Iceland.  Here,  some  say,  he  heard  of  the  voyages 
to  Greenland  and  the  Canadian  coast  of  old  Norse 
heroes  of  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries;  and 
that,  when  in  the  island  of  Porto  Santo  many 
years  later,  the  whispered  tale  of  a  shipwrecked 
mariner  on  his  death-bed  gave  him  the  data,  on 
which  he  based  his  belief  that  land  existed  beyond 
the  Atlantic. 

Of  actual  fact  this  much  emerges,  that,  still  a 
boy,  probably  about  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  gave 
up  his  father's  trade  to  which  he  had  been  appren- 
ticed and  turned  to  the  sea  for  a  livelihood.  His 
voyages  were  not  confined  to  the  Mediterranean 
but  took  him  as  far  north  as  England  and  to  the 
south  along  the  Guinea  coast  of  Africa,  till  about 
the  year  1476  they  landed  him  either  by  chance  or 
mischance  on  the  shores  of  Portugal.  In  Lisbon 
he  found  a  wife  and  home,  living  in  the  house  of 
his  mother-in-law,  and  earning  a  small  income, 


288  Isabel  of  Castile 

it  is  supposed,  by  drawing  the  maps  and  charts 
demanded  by  the  most  seafaring  nation  of  the 
day.  It  was  a  task  that  with  such  a  temperament 
would  be  certain  to  draw  dormant  theories  of 
nautical  enterprise  from  the  realm  of  dreams  to 
that  of  possibilities;  and  from  this  time  Columbus's 
ambitions  and  hopes  began  to  take  definite  shape. 

Amongst  men  of  science,  and  indeed  amongst 
the  cultured  people  of  Europe  generally,  the  idea 
that  the  earth  was  a  sphere  composed  of  land  and 
water  had  been  long  accepted ;  though  theologians 
were  still  found  who  declared  that  such  a  theory 
conflicted  with  the  Gospels  and  statements  of  the 
early  Fathers  of  the  Church  and  must  therefore 
be  false.  If  an  Antipodes  existed,  how  could  all 
the  nations  of  the  world  see  Christ  at  His  coming? 

Another  popular  argument  had  been  based  on 
the  assumption  that  the  ever-increasing  warmth 
of  the  atmosphere,  experienced  by  travellers  as 
they  journeyed  southwards,  culminated  in  a  zone 
of  unendurable  heat.  The  ship  that  ventured  too 
far  in  southern  waters  might  find  itself  driven 
forward  by  sudden  winds  or  unknown  currents  into 
a  belt  of  perpetual  flame  and  there  perish  miser- 
ably. That  fear  at  least  had  been  dispelled  by  the 
enterprise  of  the  very  nation  with  whom  Columbus 
had  cast  in  his  fortunes. 


Christopher  Columbus  289 

Always,  from  the  wide  extent  of  their  coast, 
interested  in  the  sea  and  its  wonders,  the  Portu- 
guese had  received  a  special  stimulus  in  the  field 
of  discovery  during  the  fifteenth  century  from  the 
brother  of  their  King,  the  famous  "Prince  Henry 
the  Navigator."  Under  his  orders,  as  he  sat  in 
his  castle  at  Sagres  overlooking  the  great  Atlantic, 
studying  charts  and  records  of  exploration  by  day, 
the  course  of  the  stars  by  night,  his  captains 
had  pursued  their  way,  league  by  league,  along  the 
West  African  coast.  Ever  as  they  went,  new 
lands,  rich  in  possibilities  of  trade,  were  exposed, 
and  old  doubts  and  fears  receded.  Madeira  and 
the  Canary  Islands  were  added  to  the  dominions 
of  Portugal;  Cape  Bojador,  once  believed  the  gate- 
way to  unknown  horrors,  was  doubled;  the  Cape 
Verde  Islands  and  the  Guinea  coast  explored. 

Prince  Henry  the  Navigator  died;  and  in  time 
his  great-nephew,  King  John  II.,  son  of  Alfonso  V., 
"El  Africano,"  sat  on  the  throne  of  Portugal,  but 
the  tide  of  maritime  energy  never  slackened,  and 
the  west  coast  of  Africa  began  to  assume  in  maps 
something  of  its  real  shape.  Bartholomew  Colum- 
bus, brother  of  Christopher,  was  one  of  those 
who  served  in  the  famous  expedition  of  Bartholo- 
mew Diaz  in  1487,  which,  tempest-tossed  and 
wholly  at  the  mercy  of  the  elements,  unexpectedly 


290  Isabel  of  Castile 

doubled  the  "stormy  cape,"  later  to  be  called 
with  symbolic  appropriateness  the  "Cape  of  Good 
Hope." 

This,  while  Christopher  drew  maps  and  charts 
in  Lisbon,  was  yet  of  the  future;  nor  had  ever- 
widening  views  on  African  discovery  cast  any 
light  across  the  broad  Atlantic,  the  "sea  of  dark- 
ness" as  mariners  named  it,  when,  hugging  the 
Portuguese  and  French  shores,  they  journeyed 
northwards  to  England  and  the  Baltic.  Accord- 
ing to  a  certain  Arabian  writer  of  mediasval  times 

the  ocean  encircles  the  ultimate  bounds  of  the  in- 
habited earth,  and  all  beyond  it  is  unknown.  No 
one  has  been  able  to  verify  anything  concerning  it, 
on  account  of  its  difficult  and  perilous  navigation,  its 
great  obscurity,  its  profound  depth  and  frequent 
tempests,  through  fear  of  its  mighty  fishes  and  its 
haughty  winds. 

Yet  imagination  did  not  fail  to  fill  in  the  blank 
left  by  lack  of  knowledge,  and  from  the  days  of 
Plato,  tradition  had  planted  the  Western  Ocean 
with  mysterious  lands.  Here,  some  maintained, 
the  lost  continent  of  Atlantis  had  sunk  to  rest, 
leaving  on  the  surface  of  the  water  a  sluggish 
mire  impassable  for  ships ;  here,  beyond  the  Pillars 
of  Hercules,  Ulysses  had  found  his  "Isles  of  the 
Blest,"  the  Irish   Saint  Brandan  discovered  an 


Christopher  Columbus  291 

earthly  Paradise,  and  Gothic  bishops,  flying 
before  the  Moors,  built  seven  cities. 

Such  tales  stood  on  the  ground  of  conjecture 
alone;  but,  where  the  mind  is  set  on  a  project, 
conjecture  will  often  assume  a  fictitious  value. 
Columbus  had  decided,  with  that  finality  of  pur- 
pose that  is  the  hall-mark  of  genius,  that  he  would 
sail  to  the  west  across  the  "sea  of  darkness";  and 
he  gravely  accepted  all  that  would  make  his 
schemes  less  fearful  in  popular  estimation.  He 
himself  had  an  underlying  conviction  that,  the 
earth  being  round,  a  passage  across  its  surface 
must  be  possible  either  from  west  to  east  or  east 
to  west.  A  study  of  the  voyages  of  Marco  Polo, 
the  great  Venetian  traveller  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  had  excited  his  fancy  with  its  descriptions 
of  the  territories  of  the  Great  Khan  and  the  island 
of  Cipango,  where  gold  and  jewels,  rich  stuffs, 
spices,  and  perfumes,  were  the  ordinary  possession 
and  barter  of  its  inhabitants.  To  open  up  those 
lands  of  the  Orient  to  easy  commerce  with  Western 
Europe  would  be  a  task  to  bring  the  man  who 
accomplished  it  not  only  wealth  but  that  still  more 
desirable  reward,  power. 

Columbus's  idea  of  India,  or  "the  Indies"  as  the 
territories  of  the  far  East  were  called  in  Europe, 
was  distinctly  hazy;  but  his  own  desires  and  his 


292  Isabel  of  Castile 

acceptance  of  the  views  of  an  eminent  Arabian 
cosmographer,  whose  calculations  had  greatly 
reduced  the  circumference  of  the  earth,  inclined 
him  to  the  belief  that  after  a  short  stretch  of 
ocean  he  would  almost  certainly  land  amid  the 
wonders  of  Cathay  and  Cipango.  Such  a  theory 
was  not  without  biblical  confirmation;  since  the 
Prophet  Esdras  had  plainly  stated  that  God 
commanded  "that  the  waters  should  be  gathered 
into  the  seventh  part  of  the  earth,"  thus  limiting 
the  sea  within  the  bounds  of  navigable  channels. 

To  pure  romance,  scripture,  and  science,  were 
added  sailors'  tales  of  strange  debris  cast  by  the 
sea  on  the  Azores,  the  westernmost  point  of 
African  discovery:  bits  of  wood  carved  but  not 
with  metal,  canoes  made  of  hollowed  barks  of  trees, 
corpses  even,  whose  faces  bore  no  European  nor 
negro  semblance.  All  such  evidence  was  care- 
fully collected  and,  we  may  be  sure,  lost  none  of 
its  significance  in  the  telling,  when  Columbus 
rehearsed  his  project  before  King  John  and  his 
Court,  begging  that  monarch  to  grant  him  the 
necessary  ships,  and  to  promise  him,  in  the  event 
of  success,  the  office  of  Admiral  over  all  the  lands 
he  might  discover,  with  a  viceroy's  share  of  the 
spoils  and  power. 

Perhaps  King  John  considered  this  demand  ex- 


Christopher  Columbus  293 

orbitant,  or  else  the  scheme  too  hare-brained;  it  is 
more  Hkely  that  he  believed  he  had  struck  a  mine 
of  wealth  in  Western  Africa  and  saw  no  reason, 
so  long  as  that  source  of  profit  remained  unex- 
hausted, to  risk  ships  and  lives  in  a  problematical 
voyage  elsewhere.  According  to  one  tradition, 
he  and  his  councillors  obtained  Columbus's  plans 
under  pledge  of  secrecy,  and  then  to  test  their 
worth  hastily  dispatched  an  expedition,  whose 
mariners,  quailing  before  their  task,  soon  returned 
to  pronounce  the  design  impossible.  Whether  this 
be  true  or  false,  it  is  certain  that,  after  long  delays, 
the  committee  especially  appointed  by  King 
John  to  inquire  into  the  matter,  unanimously 
decided  against  Columbus's  schemes. 

"I  went  to  take  refuge  in  Portugal,"  wrote 
Christopher  himself  some  years  later,  relieving 
his  bitterness  by  what  was  probably  exaggeration 
as  to  the  length  of  his  sojourn,  "since  the  King  of 
that  country  was  more  versed  in  discovery  than 
any  other;  but  he  put  to  shame  his  sight,  his 
hearing,  and  all  his  faculties,  for  in  fourteen 
years  I  could  not  make  him  understand  what  I 
said." 

From  Portugal  Columbus  passed  to  Spain  in 
1485.  His  wife,  it  is  believed,  had  died  some  little 
time  before;  and  it  is  likely  he  was  thankful  to 


294  Isabel  of  Castile 

leave  a  country  whose  associations  were  by  this 
time  mainly  sad.  He  took  with  him  his  son  Diego 
and  settled  in  Seville,  where  he  succeeded  in 
interesting  in  his  project  one  of  the  great  territorial 
lords  of  the  neighbourhood,  the  Duke  of  Medina- 
CeH. 

At  a  first  glance  it  is  perhaps  curious  that  Colum- 
bus did  not  find  in  some  rich  Castilian  noble  the 
patron  he  required,  without  being  forced  to  sue 
the  Crown  in  vain  for  so  many  years.  It  would 
have  been  a  small  matter  for  the  Cardinal  of  Spain, 
the  Duke  of  Medina-Sidonia,  the  Duke  of  Medina- 
Celi,  or  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz  to  equip  him  with  a 
squadron  twice  the  size  of  that  with  which  he 
finally  achieved  his  purpose;  but  it  is  not  too 
much  to  say  that  such  an  arrangement  would  have 
entirely  altered  the  character  of  the  expedition. 

Columbus  was  a  visionary  in  that  he  relied  on 
the  eye  of  faith  rather  than  of  knowledge;  but 
his  visions  did  not  put  to  sleep  the  natural  shrewd- 
ness of  an  Italian  of  his  class,  especially  in  a 
matter  where  his  personal  interests  were  so  deeply 
involved.  It  was  not  his  policy  to  sow  a  crop 
whose  harvest  he  could  not  to  some  extent  control ; 
and  the  clue  to  his  object  in  seeking  royal  patron- 
age is  given  in  a  letter  written  in  1500,  where  he 
says, 


Christopher  Columbus  295 

Although  I  know  but  little,  I  do  not  think  that 
anyone  considers  me  so  foolish  as  not  to  realize  that 
even  if  the  Indies  were  mine,  I  would  not  be  able  to 
sustain  them  without  the  aid  of  some  Prince. 

The  discoverer  might  have  succeeded  in  signing 
contracts  favourable  to  himself  with  cardinal, 
duke,  or  marquis;  but  he  could  not  guard  against 
later  royal  encroachments  turning  his  gains  to  so 
much  waste  paper.  It  was  not  only  greatness  of 
conception  but  a  strong  business  instinct  that  made 
him  a  suppliant  of  the  Castilian  Queen. 

In  response  to  the  Duke  of  Medina-CeH's  letter, 
recommending  Columbus  to  her  attention,  Isabel 
commanded  his  appearance  at  the  Court  at  Cor- 
dova; and  thither  in  i486  came  Christopher  to 
lodge  in  the  house  of  the  Castilian  treasurer, 
Alonso  de  Quintanilla.  We  can  picture  him  at  this 
time  from  the  descriptions  of  contemporaries, — 
an  impressive  figure,  well  above  the  middle  height, 
with  his  long  face  tanned  and  freckled  by  exposure 
to  sun  and  storm,  his  eyes  a  vivid  blue,  his  hair 
ruddy  that  was  soon  to  be  bleached  by  cares. 

The  Queen,  we  are  told,  "did  not  consider  the 
undertaking  very  certain. ' '  Here  spoke  her  habit- 
ual caution,  prompted  by  a  life  in  which  the 
demands  on  her  assistance  perpetually  outran  not 
her  interest  but  her  resources;  yet  it  is  evident 


296  Isabel  of  Castile 

from  the  first  the  project  caught  her  fancy,  while 
in  Ferdinand  it  merely  aroused  a  cold  distrust. 
The  country  was  scarcely  pacified  from  the  anarchy 
of  civil  war  and  foreign  invasion;  national  credit 
and  patriotism  were  strained  to  the  uttermost  in 
what,  it  had  become  evident,  must  be  a  prolonged 
struggle  against  the  Moors;  the  French  were 
threatening  his  own  loved  kingdom  of  Aragon,  and 
he  could  spare  neither  time  nor  money  to  regain 
command  of  the  eastern  Pyrenees ;  insidious  heresy 
was  sapping  the  CathoHc  Faith,  and  wide  care 
and  organization  would  be  required  for  its  suppres- 
sion. Was  this  the  moment  to  take  up  chimerical 
schemes  for  reaching  China  or  discovering  lands 
that  every  man  of  common-sense  or  culture  had 
long  believed  to  be  fabulous? 

His  arguments,  somewhat  to  this  effect,  can  be 
imagined,  uttered  with  a  dry,  logical  force,  not 
without  its  appeal  to  Isabel's  own  logical  brain. 
She  could  see  it  all  from  his  point  of  view,  her 
reason  accept  his  conclusion;  and  yet  deep  in  her 
nature  was  a  power  that  differentiated  her  states- 
manship from  his,  and  that  in  a  crisis  prompted 
her,  in  the  teeth  of  the  logic  that  ordinarily 
governed  her  actions,  to  run  what  has  been  happily 
called  a  "divine  risk." 

If  Ferdinand  lacked  the  visionary  instinct  that 


Christopher  Columbus  297 

made  Isabel  recognize  the  Genoese  sailor,  not  as 
adventurer  or  fool,  but  as  a  possible  genius,  it 
must  be  confessed  that  in  his  case  faith  would 
have  made  greater  demands.  Castile  and  Aragon 
were  united  into  a  single  Spain,  but  it  is  reading 
history  from  a  modern  outlook  to  suppose  the 
individual  sympathies  of  King  and  Queen 
Spanish  rather  than  distinctively  Aragonese  and 
Castilian. 

Throughout  past  centuries,  as  we  have  remarked 
before,  the  magnet  of  Aragonese  attraction  had 
been  the  Mediterranean;  and  Ferdinand  was  no 
less  under  its  spell  than  his  uncle,  Alfonso  V., 
the  conqueror  of  Naples.  It  required  an  effort 
to  turn  his  mental  gaze  westwards;  whereas 
Isabel,  heiress  of  Castilian  hopes  and  ambitions, 
was  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  rivalry  with  Portugal 
and  looked  on  the  "  sea  of  darkness  "  not  with  bored 
aloofness  but  with  awed  speculation.  It  might 
well  seem  that  its  secrets  held  no  immediate  pro- 
spects for  Aragon ;  they  were  pregnant  with  possi- 
bilities of  empire  and  wealth  for  the  sister  kingdom 
with  her  Galician  and  Andalusian  seaboard.  It 
is  thus  that  both  by  character  and  race  Isabel  and 
not  her  husband  was  destined  to  be  Columbus's 
true  patron,  and  that  looking  back  over  years  of 
probation  he  could  write  later: 


298  Isabel  of  Castile 

In  all  men  there  was  disbelief;  but  to  the  Queen,  my 
lady,  God  gave  the  spirit  of  understanding  and  great 
courage,  and  made  her  heiress  of  all  as  a  dear  and 
much-loved  daughter. 

Yet  even  Isabel  did  not  understand  at  once; 
or,  if  she  did,  caution  and  her  intense  preoccupation 
with  the  Moorish  war  delayed  and  hindered  the 
practical  fulfilment  of  her  sympathy.  Jimtas  of 
learned  men  met  at  her  summons,  and  with 
academic  coldness  discussed  and  condemned  the 
discoverer's  project.  Those  who  did  not  make  a 
mock  of  it  declared  that  it  savoured  of  heresy; 
while  others,  according  to  Columbus,  to  hide  their 
ignorance  invented  hindrances  and  obstacles.  A 
few  courtiers,  and  notably  the  Marquis  of  Moya 
and  his  wife  Beatriz  de  Bobadilla,  Isabel's  most 
trusted  servants,  remained  his  staunch  friends, 
but  the  real  friend  of  Columbus  in  these  years  of 
anxiety,  when  he  vainly  followed  the  Court  from 
Cordova  to  the  frontier,  and  from  siege  to  siege, 
was,  in  the  words  of  Thacher,  "  Columbus  himself." 

This  was  the  one  man  who  insisted  and  persisted 
.  .  .  the  man  with  a  single  thought,  a  powerful 
soul  committed  to  one  supreme  purpose.  .  .  . 
Whether  he  was  inspired,  elected,  foreordained,  it 
matters  not.  He  thought  he  was  all  these  things  and 
the  result  was  due  to  his  own  conception  of  himself. 


A  CARAVEL  UNDER  SAIL 

FROM    COLUMBUS'S    FIRST   LETTER 


Christopher  Columbus  299 

In  spite  of  his  condemnation  by  learned  men, 
Isabel  had  not  forgotten  him,  and  a  quarterly 
salary  of  3000  maravedis,  small  though  it  was, 
and  messages,  that  she  would  herself  examine  his 
claims  when  she  had  time,  kept  them  in  touch; 
but  such  things  could  not  satisfy  an  explorer, 
fretting  to  be  once  more  on  the  broad  seas.  In 
1 49 1  he  renewed  his  application  for  assistance. 

The  Court  was  then  at  Santa  Fe,  pressing  Boab- 
dil  to  his  last  surrender,  and  before  the  conquest 
of  Moslem  Granada,  the  attraction  of  unknown 
islands  paled.  For  the  second  time  a  committee  of 
the  learned  declared  the  proposed  journey  imprac- 
ticable and  contrary  to  the  opinions  of  Saint 
Augustine  and  the  early  Fathers;  though  Ales- 
sandro  Geraldino,  tutor  of  the  royal  Infantas, 
ventured  to  urge  in  Cardinal  Mendoza's  ear,  that 
Saint  Augustine,  no  doubt  a  good  theologian, 
might  yet  prove  a  bad  geographer. 

Disgusted  at  his  failure  and  the  years  he  had 
wasted,  Columbus  with  his  son  Diego  turned  his 
back  on  Santa  Fe.  His  journey  took  him  near 
the  little  seaside  town  of  Palos,  where  at  the 
Franciscan  convent  of  La  Rabida  he  sought  food 
and  shelter  for  the  night.  Its  prior,  Fra  Juan 
Perez,  once  the  Queen's  confessor,  was  delighted 
to  have  first-hand  news  from  the  seat  of  war,  and 


300  Isabel  of  Castile 

eagerly  welcomed  his  guest;  with  the  result  that 
all  Christopher's  disappointed  hopes  came  pouring 
out  in  a  stream  of  eloquence  that  soon  made  a 
convert  of  his  listener. 

A  secret  letter  from  the  prior  to  the  Queen, 
full  of  respectful  expostulations,  her  quick  re- 
sponse that  Columbus  should  return  at  once  to 
Court,  her  gift  of  20,000  maravedis  to  provide  him 
with  suitable  clothing  and  a  mule, — ^and  Juan 
Perez  could  write  with  fervent  joy: 

Our  Lord  has  listened  to  the  prayers  of  His  servant. 
The  wise  and  virtuous  Isabel,  touched  by  the  grace 
of  Heaven,  gave  a  favourable  hearing  to  the  words 
of  this  poor  monk.     All  has  turned  out  well. 

"All  has  turned  out  well!"  Face  to  face.  Queen 
and  would-be-discoverer  could  realize  how  much 
their  minds  were  in  tune;  even  more  now  than 
in  the  early  days  of  his  project ;  for,  to  the  material 
benefits  he  hoped  to  reap,  Columbus,  inspired 
perhaps  by  the  crusading  character  of  the  Moorish 
war,  had  added  the  burning  desire  to  carry  the 
light  of  the  Catholic  Faith  across  "the  sea  of 
darkness."  This  was  no  mere  pose.  Religion  to 
the  sailor  as  to  the  Queen  was  an  intrinsic  part 
of  daily  life,  something  vital  and  overshadowing 
that  in  the  hour  of  triumph  intensified  glory,  in 


Christopher  Columbus  301 

days  of  depression  or  danger  spread  protecting 
wings.  In  the  foreword  of  his  journal  addressed 
to  the  sovereigns,  he  shows  very  clearly  that  he  re- 
garded himself  not  only  as  pioneer  but  missionary : 

Your  Highnesses,  as  Catholic  sovereigns  and 
princes,  loving  the  Holy  Christian  Faith  and  the 
spreading  of  it,  and  enemies  of  the  sect  of  Mahomet 
and  of  all  idolatries  and  heresies,  decided  to  send  me, 
Christopher  Columbus,  to  the  said  regions  of  India, 
to  see  the  said  princes  and  peoples  and  lands,  and 
learn  of  their  disposition  and  of  everything,  and  of 
the  measures  that  could  be  taken  for  their  conversion 
to  our  Holy  Faith. 

Behind  and  beyond  "the  spreading  of  the 
Catholic  Faith"  in  the  far  East  was  another  design 
of  still  bolder  conception,  the  employment  of  the 
wealth  to  be  found  in  Cathay  and  the  territories 
of  the  great  Khan  towards  the  recovery  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre.  The  latter  was  the  crowning 
enthusiasm  of  every  earnest  Christian  in  mediaeval 
times,  and  Christopher  believing  himself  "in- 
spired, elected,  foreordained,"  held  amongst  his 
cherished  visions  the  glory  of  a  final  crusade,  to 
which  he  should  have  contributed  the  war  fund. 

Upheld  by  his  inborn  sense  of  power,  he  had 
returned  to  Court  far  more  a  conqueror,  ready  to 
grant  conditions,  than  a  petitioner  oft-refused  and 


302  Isabel  of  Castile 

eager  to  snatch  the  least  morsel  of  favour.  The 
Crown  in  its  clemency  was  now,  after  its  long 
apathy,  willing  to  confer  on  him  titles  and  privi- 
leges ; — all  in  moderation  of  course,  for  Ferdinand 
and  Isabel  were  never  unnecessarily  lavish;  but 
Christopher,  valuing  himself  and  his  task  by  the 
measure  of  his  faith  in  the  future,  laughed  at  their 
moderation.  Either  he  was  great  enough  to  suc- 
ceed and  thus  prove  worthy  of  a  great  reward,  or 
he  would  fail  and  his  pretensions  and  demands 
fade  away  with  his  dreams.  The  sovereigns, 
skilled  in  striking  bargains,  might  argue  and  cajole. 
The  Genoese,  though  his  fate  trembled  in  the 
balance,  never  wavered,  until  at  last  in  April, 
1492,  caution  yielded  to  greatness,  and  the  terms 
that  he  demanded  were  signed  and  sealed. 

Columbus  and  his  heirs  were  to  have  the  heredi- 
tary title  of  Admiral  of  all  the  islands  and  con- 
tinents that  he  might  discover,  and  should  for 
ever  hold  the  office  of  Viceroy  and  Governor- 
General  over  them.  He  and  his  heirs  should 
receive  one- tenth  of  all  the  wealth,  whether  metals, 
jewels,  or  spices,  that  should  be  acquired  from 
these  territories;  and  he  and  they  should  have  a 
perpetual  right  of  providing  one-eighth  of  the 
expenses  of  every  expedition  sent  to  the  West, 
receiving  a  corresponding  profit  from  the  results. 


Christopher  Columbus  303 

These  with  extensive  judicial  and  administrative 
privileges  formed  the  basis  of  the  document,  in 
return  for  which  Columbus  promised  to  sail  into 
the  unknown  and  claim  it  in  the  name  of  Castile 
and  her  sovereign. 

The  actual  cost  of  the  expedition  was,  in  com- 
parison to  the  stakes  at  issue,  trifling;  in  all  less 
than  a  thousand  pounds  of  English  money,  of 
which  the  Crown  contributed  some  £850,  Colum- 
bus himself  the  rest.  Three  ships  formed  his  fleet  * 
two  provided  under  compulsion  by  the  town  of 
Palos  as  punishment  for  some  public  offence,  and 
as  reluctantly  manned  by  its  inhabitants  who 
looked  on  the  proposed  voyage  with  horror.  Co- 
lumbus's own  flagship,  the  Santa  Maria,  was  a 
vessel  of  some  hundred  tons  burden,  by  modern 
standards  ill-fitted  for  aught  but  coasting  work; 
while  the  Pinta  and  the  Nina,  commanded  by 
Martin  Alonso  Pinzon  and  his  brother  Vicente 
Yanez,  noted  navigators  of  the  neighbourhood, 
were  mere  merchant  "caravels"  of  half  its  size. 

The  story  of  this  first  voyage  to  the  New  World 
has  been  often  told:  the  distrust  and  grumbhng 
of  the  crew  which,  beginning  before  they  left  Palos 
on  that  morning  of  the  3d  of  August,  1492,  grew 
ever  in  volume  as  they  journeyed  westwards, 
leaving  the  friendly  Azores  far  in  their  rear;  the 


304  Isabel  of  Castile 

complaints  that  the  wind  steadily  driving  from  the 
east  would  never  change  and  thus  make  any  hope 
of  return  impossible;  the  extraordinary  variations 
of  the  compass  and  the  expanse  of  sea  traversed, 
far  in  excess  of  the  Admiral's  calculations,  so  that, 
puzzled  and  anxious  at  heart  himself,  he  must  yet 
keep  a  cheerful  face  and,  lying  skilfully,  hold  panic 
at  bay  by  scientific  falsehoods  and  carefully 
doctored  charts.  The  many  cries  of  "land! 
land!"  heralding  nought  save  clouds  lying  low  on 
the  horizon;  the  ever-doomed  hopes  aroused  by 
birds  and  floating  grass;  and  then  the  Sargasso 
Sea  with  its  leagues  of  golden  gulf -weed  lapping 
against  the  ship's  side.  Was  this  the  impassable 
ocean  where  Atlantis  had  sunk  to  rest?  Were 
they  indeed  destined  to  die  here  for  their  folly? 

Then,  when  patience  and  hope  were  alike  ex- 
hausted, and  only  the  Admiral's  faith  rose  trium- 
phant above  the  general  pessimism,  unmistakable 
signs  of  land  appeared  at  last;  and,  on  the  12th 
of  October  the  Spanish  squadron  came  to  anchor 
before  the  little  island  of  Guanahani,  one  of  the 
Bahamas. 

The  details  of  the  landing,  the  astonishment  of 
the  natives,  "naked  as  when  their  mothers  gave 
them  birth,"  at  the  sight  of  mail-  and  silk-clad 
warriors  and  the  sound  of  cannons;  the  account 


Christopher  Columbus  305 

of  various  expeditions  made  to  other  islands  and 
of  the  fort  built  in  Espanola; — these  like  the 
actual  voyages  may  be  read  at  length  in  the  pages 
of  Washington  Irving.  It  is  with  the  triumphant 
home-coming  of  the  hero  not  with  his  adventures 
that  we  are  here  concerned. 

Attention  you  two  most  wise  and  venerable  men 
and  hear  of  a  new  discovery  [wrote  Peter  Martyr  to 
the  Archbishop  of  Granada  and  Count  of  Tendilla]. 
You  remember  Columbus  the  Ligurian,  who  persisted, 
when  in  the  camps  with  the  sovereigns,  that  one  could 
pass  over  by  way  of  the  Western  Antipodes  to  a  new 
hemisphere  of  the  globe.  .  .  .  He  is  returned  safe 
and  declares  he  has  found  wonderful  things. 

Wonderful  things  indeed!  Brown-skinned  In- 
dians, green  and  scarlet  parrots,  golden  nuggets 
and  ornaments,  cotton  fibre  and  strange  roots  and 
seeds;  these  that  he  brought  with  him  were  but 
proofs  and  trophies  of  the  still  more  wonderful 
adventures  he  hastened  to  relate  before  the  sover- 
eigns and  their  Court.  In  his  disembarkation 
at  Palos  on  the  15th  of  March,  1493,  and  still 
more  in  his  "solemn  and  very  beautiful  reception" 
by  the  sovereigns  at  Barcelona  graphically  de- 
scribed by  the  historian  Las  Casas,  he  was  to  reap 
at  last  the  meed  of  honour  and  enthusiasm  so  long 
denied  him.     Kneeling  before  his  King  and  Queen 


3o6  Isabel  of  Castile 

to  kiss  the  hands  that  afterwards  raised  him  in 
gracious  condescension  to  sit  with  royalty  upon 
the  dais,  flattered  and  feted  by  courtiers  who  had 
before  patronized  or  mocked,  riding  through  the 
crowded  streets  by  Ferdinand's  side  amid  cries  of 
admiration  and  applause; — in  these  moments  he 
reached  the  climax  of  worldly  glory. 

Long  years  stretched  before  him,  when  cir- 
cumstances, his  own  failings,  and  the  envy  and 
spite  of  others,  were  to  rob  him  of  ease,  popularity, 
and  even  royal  confidence;  but  for  the  time  being 
he  was  "  Don,"  "Admiral,"  the  honoured  of  Kings, 
the  most  discussed  and  admired  man  in  Spain,  per- 
haps in  all  Europe.  In  one  country  at  least,  the 
kingdom  of  Portugal,  the  result  of  his  voyage 
was  a  subject  for  poignant  regret;  and  Ferdinand 
and  Isabel,  having  obtained  from  Alexander  VI. 
papal  recognition  of  their  right  to  the  newly 
discovered  territories,  were  driven  to  demand  a 
series  of  bulls,  that  would  provide  them  with  a 
definition  of  their  empire,  lest  Portuguese  rivals, 
too  slow  to  forestall  them  in  the  discovery,  should 
now  rob  them  of  their  gains. 

By  a  bull  of  May  4,  1493,  an  imaginary  line 
was  drawn  through  the  north  and  south  poles, 
cutting  the  Atlantic  at  one  hundred  leagues  dis- 
tance from  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  and  Azores. 


Christopher  Columbus  307 

To  the  east  of  this  Hne  was  henceforth  to  stretch 
the  zone  of  Portuguese  dominion,  to  the  west  that 
of  Castile.  Later,  by  the  Treaty  of  Tordesillas, 
signed  by  the  Spanish  sovereigns  and  King  John 
in  June,  1494,  the  boundary  was  fixed  at  three 
hundred  and  seventy  instead  of  one  hundred 
leagues  distance;  and  there  for  the  moment 
national  rivalry  was  checked. 

In  the  meanwhile  Columbus,  having  organized 
a  second  expedition,  had  on  September  23,  1493, 
set  sail  once  more  for  the  west.  Very  differ- 
ent in  size  and  character  was  his  new  fleet  from 
the  former  vessels  of  Palos  with  their  pressed 
crews;  for  more  than  twice  the  number  of  men 
required  for  his  fourteen  caravels  had  applied  for 
leave  to  sail  with  him,  and  not  a  few  of  those 
refused  had  chosen  to  embark  as  stowaways  rather 
than  be  left  behind.  It  was  a  case  of  unbalanced 
enthusiasm  succeeding  to  unbalanced  hostility,  and, 
as  often  happens,  the  second  state  was  to  prove 
more  dangerous  than  the  first. 

Not  patriotism,  nor  a  healthy  love  of  adventure, 
nor  even  a  cool-headed  trading  instinct,  animated 
the  majority  of  that  idle,  quarrelsome  throng  who 
were  destined  to  turn  the  lands  their  discoverer 
at  first  believed  the  "Earthly  Paradise"  into  a 
hell  of  human  misery  and  wrong.     It  was  lust  of 


3o8  Isabel  of  Castile 

gold,  no  hardly-won  reward  of  toil  and  sweat,  but 
the  fabulous  wealth  of  Cipango  and  Cathay,  to  be 
picked  in  nuggets  out  of  the  flowing  river,  found 
in  the  turned  surface  of  the  earth,  wrung  by 
brutality  if  necessary  from  unwilling  natives,  that 
brought  a  wastrel  nobility  disgusted  with  orderly 
government  at  home,  to  serve  under  the  standard 
of  a  man  whom  they  secretly  despised  as  an  ill-bred 
foreigner.  Not  all  were  of  this  type.  Amid  the 
fourteen  crews  were  some  earnest  souls,  inspired 
like  their  Admiral  by  a  sense  of  responsibility; 
but  the  prevailing  element  was  selfish,  vicious, 
and  insubordinate. 

For  this  Columbus  himself  was  partly  to  blame. 
Blinded  to  the  limits  of  his  achievement  by  his 
faith  in  the  glory  and  wealth  yet  to  come,  and, 
anxious  at  all  costs  to  maintain  the  support  of  the 
Spanish  sovereigns,  his  eloquence  had  painted  a 
highly-coloured  picture  very  likely  to  deceive 
those  who  listened.  The  small  quantity  of  gold 
so  far  obtained  was  merged  in  the  glittering  ac- 
counts given  by  natives  of  kingdoms  to  the  south, 
where  precious  metals  were  to  be  had  for  the 
asking.  These,  like  Amazon  islands  and  lands 
whose  tribes  had  tails,  proved  ever  beyond  the 
distant  horizon,  vanishing  at  the  Spanish  approach. 
As  they  melted  into  thin  air  so  also  did  Christo- 


Christopher  Columbus  309 

pher's  inflated  reputation;  and  those  who  had 
looked  on  him  as  a  kind  of  magician,  able  to 
conjure  up  vast  quantities  of  gold,  saw  him 
instead  only  as  a  lying  adventurer,  who  had 
lured  them  from  civilization  and  luxury  on  a 
false  plea. 

"Why  hast  thou  taken  us  out  into  the  wilder- 
ness to  die?"  It  is  the  cry  that  from  the  time  of 
Moses  onwards  has  assailed  the  ears  of  the  pioneer 
enthusiast.  The  wilderness  may  prove  a  paradise ; 
but  in  that  it  falls  short  of  human  desires  it  will 
be  condemned  and  despised.  Not  all  the  glory  of 
sunshine  and  colour,  of  rich  soil,  luxurious  vegeta- 
tion, and  flowing  river,  speaking  to  honest  toilers 
of  a  possible  kingdom  of  God  on  earth,  can  com- 
pensate with  an  idle  rabble  for  shattered  dreams 
of  gold  mines,  of  jewels,  and  of  spices. 

Murmurings,  complaints,  secret  disobedience, 
open  defiance :  these  were  the  fruits  of  Columbus's 
autocracy.  When  he  landed  for  the  second  time 
in  Espailola,  he  found  the  fort  which  he  had  left 
well-stored  with  provisions  and  ammunition  burnt 
to  the  ground,  its  garrison  dead,  the  Indians,  once 
his  trusted  allies,  fleeing  before  him  afraid  into  the 
woods.  Inquiry  elicited  an  all  too  circumstantial 
tale  of  Spanish  profligacy,  cruelty,  and  carelessness, 
once    his    governing    hand    had    been    removed. 


3IO  Isabel  of  Castile 

Then  had  come  retribution  in  the  form  of  an 
avenging  massacre  by  a  warlike  tribe  from  the 
interior  of  the  island.  The  Indians  of  the  coast 
denied  their  participation,  even  swore  on  oath 
that  they  had  helped  the  garrison  to  the  best  of 
their  ability;  and  Columbus,  anxious  to  believe 
them,  tried  to  restore  the  old  relations.  Mutual 
suspicion,  however,  had  come  to  reign.  His 
followers,  angry  at  the  fate  of  their  countrymen, 
accepted  it  as  a  legitimate  excuse  for  intimidating 
and  oppressing  all  natives.  The  hospitality  and 
gifts  once  so  generously  lavished  were  now  with- 
held or,  proving  totally  inadequate  to  meet  ever- 
growing Spanish  necessities,  were  replaced  by  an 
enforced  tribute,  until  the  link  of  willing  service 
was  forged  into  an  iron  chain  of  bondage. 

Some  form  of  submission  of  native  to  European, 
of  the  weaker  many  to  the  stronger  and  more  civil- 
ized few,  was  an  inevitable  solution  of  the  racial 
problem.  That  it  developed  into  absolute  slavery 
was  due,  partly  to  the  custom  of  the  day,  partly 
to  the  difficulties  in  which  Columbus  and  his 
colonists  soon  found  themselves  involved.  They 
had  laid  the  foundations  of  the  system  in  the  New 
World  when  they  carried  off  their  first  ten  Indians 
in  triumph  to  parade  them  through  the  streets  of 
Barcelona,    though    the    individuals    in    question 


Christopher  Columbus  311 

could  boast  of  generous  treatment  and  a  baptism 
with  royal  sponsors. 

The  principle  of  personal  liberty  abandoned, 
Columbus  could  declare,  not  without  truth,  that 
as  slaves  the  natives  would  have  a  better  chance 
of  learning  the  doctrines  of  the  Catholic  Faith 
than  in  their  own  wild  freedom.  Even  on  the 
grounds  of  mercy  and  good  government  he  could 
at  first  justify  his  attitude;  since  he  and  his  fol- 
lowers contented  themselves  for  the  most  part 
with  seizing  "Caribs,"  a  fierce  cannibal  tribe 
that  preyed  upon  their  weaker  neighbours. 

Among  the  people  who  are  not  cannibals  [he  wrote 
home]  we  shall  gain  great  credit  by  their  seeing  that 
we  can  seize  and  take  captive  those  from  whom  they 
are  accustomed  to  receive  injuries,  and  of  whom  they 
are  in  such  terror  that  they  are  frightened  by  one 
man  alone. 

Alas  for  either  pious  or  kindly  intentions !  Not 
these  but  economic  considerations  were  really 
to  sink  the  scales.  Columbus  had  promised 
to  find  precious  metals  in  abundance,  and  yet 
seven  years  after  his  discovery  Bemaldez,  the 
Curate  of  Los  Palacios,  made  a  note  that  the 
expenses  of  the  various  expeditions  still  continued 
to  exceed  the  profits. 

"Since  everything  passed  through  the  Admiral's 


312  Isabel  of  Castile 

hands,"  he  adds,  "there  was  much  murmuring 
against  him,  and  he  made  greater  hindrances  and 
delays  than  he  ought  in  sending  back  gold  to  the 
King." 

Gold  there  was  little  in  these  early  years  of 
exploration;  and  demands  for  precious  metals  at 
home  were  echoed  by  demands  in  his  own  colony 
for  horses,  cattle,  and  sheep  to  stock  the  new 
settlement.  In  this  dilemma  the  Admiral  fell 
back  on  the  wealth  of  human  Hfe,  for  which  he 
could  reap  a  handsome  profit  in  the  labour- 
markets  of  the  Old  World  besides  pacifying  some 
of  the  grumbUng  in  the  New.  It  was  no  longer 
the  conversion  of  the  heathen  nor  the  civilization 
of  cannibals,  that  took  the  first  place  in  his 
thoughts,  but  a  momentary  respite  from  increasing 
financial  strain. 

A  gift  of  an  Indian  apiece  to  each  of  his  greedy 
crew;  a  gang  of  some  five  hundred  captives  of 
either  sex  shipped  to  Europe,  huddled  together 
"with  no  more  care  taken  of  them  than  of  animals 
destined  for  the  slaughter-house." 

These,  or  tales  of  a  like  nature,  came  to  the 
Queen's  ears.  "By  what  right  does  the  Admiral 
give  away  my  vassals?"  she  demanded  indig- 
nantly, and  ordered  the  Indians  to  be  released 
and  re-shipped  to  their  own  land. 


Christopher  Columbus  313 

It  must  be  remembered  to  her  credit  [says  Filson 
Young,  referring  to  her  attitude  towards  this  ques- 
tion,] that  in  after  years,  when  slavery  and  an  intoler- 
able bloody  and  brutish  oppression  had  turned  the 
Paradise  of  Espanola  into  a  shambles,  she  fought 
almost  single-handed  and  with  an  ethical  sense  far 
in  advance  of  her  day  against  the  system  of  slavery 
practiced  in  Spain  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  New 
World. 

Ferdinand  cared  little  for  the  sufferings  of 
Indians,  but  their  sale  would  not  bring  him  the 
profits  he  had  been  led  to  expect  from  his  new 
dominions,  and  he  was  therefore  more  than  willing 
to  listen  to  the  many  complaints  of  tyranny,  fa- 
vouritism, and  deceit,  brought  against  the  Governor 
by  those  returning  from  the  West.  Here  the 
crow^ning  offence  had  been  in  reality  the  employ- 
ment of  all  able-bodied  Europeans,  priests  as  well 
as  laymen,  in  the  construction  of  a  city  in  Espaiiola 
to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  "Isabella," 
"in  remembrance,"  says  Las  Casas,  "of  the  Queen 
Dofia  Isabel  whom  he  above  all  held  in  great 
reverence;  and  he  was  more  desirous  of  serving 
and  pleasing  her  than  any  other  person  in  the 
world." 

"Columbus,"  wrote  Peter  Martyr,  "has  begun 
the  building  of  a  city  and  the  planting  of  our  seeds 
and  the  raising  of  cattle."     His  words  call  up  a 


314  Isabel  of  Castile 

picture  of  peaceful  and  slow-rewarded  toil,  little 
to  the  taste  of  the  majority  pressed  to  take  their 
share,  their  natural  dislike  of  manual  labour 
stimulated  by  the  ennervating  climate  and  habits 
of  self-indulgence.  The  crops  grew  apace,  but  so 
also  did  fever  and  disease;  and  for  all  that  went 
wrong  the  people  held  their  foreign  Admiral 
responsible. 

Indeed  there  was  often  sufficient  foundation  to 
make  the  reports  brought  home  plausible.  Colum- 
bus was  a  born  leader  of  men  in  action,  where  a 
strong  personality  will  always  dominate;  but  he 
had  few  gifts  as  a  governor,  and  least  of  all  that 
invaluable  instinct  for  selecting  trustworthy  sub- 
ordinates. His  choice  of  officials  was  often  be- 
trayed; his  government,  as  a  rule  too  kindly 
towards  the  cut- throat  ruffians  he  commanded,  on 
occasions  varied  by  excessive  severity.  Whatever 
its  quality  he  reaped  odium,  not  only  amongst 
the  colonists,  but  with  their  relations  and  friends 
in  Castile. 

Enough  was  obviously  at  fault  to  require  inspec- 
tion; and  in  1500,  when  Columbus  who  had  sailed 
from  Spain  on  a  third  voyage  in  1498  was  occupied 
in  exploring  fresh  islands,  Francisco  de  Bobadilla, 
an  official  of  the  royal  household,  arrived  in  Es- 
pafiola,  charged  with  the  duty  of  inquiring  into  the 


Christopher  Columbus  315 

Admiral's  conduct.  His  high-handed  action,  in 
immediately  arresting  Columbus  and  his  brothers 
Bartholomew  and  Diego  on  their  return  to  head- 
quarters, is  one  of  the  most  dramatic  episodes  in 
history;  and  its  appeal  was  felt  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  Spain. 

Villejo,  the  officer  in  command  of  the  prisoners 
on  the  voyage  home,  offered  to  remove  the  fetters 
in  which  they  had  been  sent  on  board,  but  Colum- 
bus sternly  refused.  He  would  wear  them,  he 
declared,  until  he  knelt  before  his  sovereigns,  keep 
them  by  him  till  his  dying  day.  Crippled  by  gout, 
his  hair  whitened  by  care,  he  disembarked  at 
Cadiz,  the  irons  clanking  on  his  wrists  and  ankles ; 
and  at  the  sight  horror  and  shame  spread  from 
cottage  and  shop  to  castle  and  palace.  Was  this 
the  discoverer's  reward  for  a  New  World? 

"Be  assured  that  your  imprisonment  weighed 
heavily  upon  us,"  wrote  the  sovereigns  some  years 
later,  still  mindful  of  the  shock  the  news  had  given 
them ;  and  when  Columbus  knelt  before  his  Queen 
the  sobs  of  pent-up  bitterness  with  which  he  re- 
counted his  troubles  awoke  answering  tears  of 
regret  and  understanding  in  her  eyes.  "After  they 
had  listened  to  him,"  says  Oviedo,  "they  consoled 
him  with  much  kindliness  and  spake  such  words 
that  he  remained  somewhat  comforted." 


3i6  Isabel  of  Castile 

Confidence  was  temporarily  restored,  but  the 
Admiral's  hour  of  glory  and  triumph  had  passed 
never  to  return.  His  bad  treatment  was  acknow- 
ledged, but  so  also  was  his  bad  government ;  for 
though  he  might  not  have  deliberately  tyrannized 
and  deceived,  yet  he  had  failed  to  keep  order  or 
fulfil  his  promises.  The  Queen  was  growing  old, 
and,  broken  by  ill-health  and  private  griefs,  took 
less  share  than  she  was  wont  in  public  business. 
Ferdinand  had  never  Hked  the  Genoese  sailor; 
moreover  he  was  no  longer  necessary  to  royal 
schemes  and  that  to  the  astute  King  was  ever 
sufficient  excuse  for  discarding  a  tool. 

Columbus  sailed  for  the  fourth  time  to  the  lands 
of  his  discovery  in  1502;  but  it  was  to  find  that 
Nicholas  de  Ovando,  another  royal  protege,  had 
succeeded  Bobadilla  in  command  at  Espailola, 
while  treachery  and  ill-luck  dogged  his  own  efforts. 
Bitterness  and  suspicion  had  begun  to  eat  like  a 
canker  in  his  mind,  and  his  letters  are  full  of 
querulous  reproaches  that  the  bargain  he  had 
made  was  ill-kept  and  his  due  share  of  the  commer- 
cial profits  denied  him.  In  1504,  he  returned  home 
suffering  in  body  and  spirit,  but  no  longer  to  meet 
with  the  sympathy  for  which  he  craved.  Three 
weeks  after  he  arrived  at  Seville  Isabel  died  and 
her  will,  that  contained  a  special  petition  for  the 


Christopher  Columbus  317 

kindly  treatment  of  the  natives,  made  no  mention 
of  his  name. 

Writing  to  his  son  Diego  the  Admiral  says: 

The  principal  thing  is  affectionately  and  with  great 
devotion  to  commend  the  soul  of  the  Queen,  Our  Lady, 
to  God.  Her  life  was  always  catholic  and  holy  and 
ready  for  all  things  of  His  holy  service,  and  for  this 
reason  it  may  be  believed  that  she  is  in  His  holy  glory 
and  beyond  the  desires  of  this  rough  and  wearisome 
world. 

In  these  words  lie  the  confession  of  his  own 
disillusionment.  His  world,  once  so  fair  a  place 
of  material  visions  and  dreams,  had  proved  in  its 
essence  wearisome;  and,  clad  in  the  Franciscan 
habit  of  renunciation,  he  himself,  on  the  20th  of 
May,  1506,  passed  thankfully  into  the  rest  of  God's 
"holy  glory." 

"His  life,"  says  Filson  Young,  "flickered  out 
in  the  completest  obscurity."  No  Peter  Martyr 
eulogized  his  memory  in  letters  to  his  courtly 
patrons.  No  grateful  country  of  adoption  be- 
stowed on  him  a  gorgeous  funeral.  Even  the 
lands  he  had  discovered  were  destined  to  receive 
their  name  from  another,  the  Florentine  sailor 
Amerigo  Vespucci,  whom  he  himself  had  helped 
on  the  road  to  fame. 


31 8  Isabel  of  Castile 

Posterity  is  the  audience  that  can  alone  judge 
truly  the  drama  of  history,  and  in  the  thunder  of 
its  applause  Columbus  has  long  come  to  his  own. 

"The  world,"  says  Thacher,  "did  not  observe 
his  final  exit  from  the  stage.  Yet  he  was  a  great 
character,  one  of  the  greatest  ever  passing  before 
the  eyes  of  men." 


CHAPTER  XI 

ISABEL  AND  HER   CHILDREN 

T  F  it  is  true  that  the  trappings  of  the  monk  often 
•'•  conceal  the  wearer's  individuality,  it  might  be 
added  that  so  also  do  royal  robes.  The  contempo- 
rary historian  is  apt  to  portray  his  King  or  Queen 
garbed  in  a  cloak  of  politics,  morality,  or  pageantry, 
according  to  his  special  enthusiasm;  and,  unless 
to  his  task  he  brings  also  the  bigrapher's  instinct 
for  personality,  his  likeness  though  regal  and 
exemplary  will  leave  the  spectator  cold.  He  has 
forgotten  that  the  abiding  measure  of  our  interest 
in  others  is  the  very  humanity  he  has  neglected 
or  tried  to  excel. 

In  the  case  of  "Isabel  of  Castile"  the  conven- 
tional atmosphere  of  a  Court  is  intensified  by 
her  own  determination  to  play  a  royal  part.  She 
rarely  forgot  that  she  was  Queen.  On  one  occasion 
the  Admiral  of  Castile,  Ferdinand's  uncle,  had 
ventured  to  address  the  King  as  nephew;  where- 
upon   she,    overhearing,    reproved   him    sharply. 

319 


320  Isabel  of  Castile 

"My  Lord,  the  King  has  no  kindred  or  friends 
but  servants  or  subjects ! "  A  petty  snub !  Unless 
in  judging  it  we  recall  the  Court  of  Henry  IV., 
where  Isabel  had  seen  her  brother  mocked  and 
bullied  by  insolent  nobles,  amongst  them  a  former 
Admiral  of  Castile. 

Her  lifework  in  building  up  the  reputation  of  the 
monarchy  must  be  carried  out  in  detail  as  well  as 
on  the  broad  lines  of  governmental  reform,  and  the 
dignity  and  magnificence  of  royalty  formed  part 
of  the  scheme,  that  aimed  at  the  exaltation  of  the 
Crown,  not  only  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  but  still 
more  of  Spain  itself.  The  Castilian  grandee  might 
be  losing  his  official  status,  the  Admiral  be  no 
longer  essential  to  the  Fleet,  the  Constable  to  the 
Army,  the  Duke  or  Marquis  to  the  Royal  Council; 
but  in  the  throne-room  and  ante-chambers  of  the 
palace  etiquette  more  and  more  demanded  their 
presence.  Silken  chains  were  binding  the  unruly 
in  a  peaceful  servitude. 

Pulgar,  the  historian,  commenting  on  Isabel's 
insistence  on  the  outward  forms  of  state,  declared 
that  "it  pleased  her  to  be  served  by  grandees  and 
nobles,"  while  in  another  place  he  mentions  her 
retinue  of  the  daughters  of  great  families  "such 
that  we  do  not  read  in  the  Chronicles  that  any 
Queen  had  before  her." 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  321 

A  household  maintained  on  this  scale  and  with 
corresponding  luxury  was  a  costly  item  in  royal 
expenses  and,  considering  the  chronic  deficiencies 
of  the  Treasury,  was  perhaps  excessive.  Yet 
Ferdinand  and  Isabel  were  both  by  nature 
simple  and  abstemious  in  their  tastes,  and  wont 
in  other  matters,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  case  of 
Columbus,  to  err  rather  on  the  side  of  economy 
than  extravagance. 

"A  King  must  outshine  his  subjects,"  says 
Pulgar  with  a  conviction  born  of  his  intimate 
knowledge  of  Spanish  character.  The  easy  famil- 
iarity of  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  "Max  the 
Penniless,"  and  his  son  might  be  appreciated  in 
Germany  and  Flanders;  the  private  thrift  of  a 
Louis  XL,  or  lack  of  ostentation  of  a  Lorenzo 
de  Medici  respected  in  France  or  Florence;  but 
the  Castilian  nature  demanded  magnificence  and 
aloofness  in  its  rulers.  Even  a  Ximenes  de  Cis- 
neros  had  been  unable  to  shake  off  the  outward 
glory  of  his  office  when  he  accepted  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Toledo;  and  Ferdinand  and  Isabel, 
children  of  their  race,  were  fully  alive  to  the  appeal 
of  surroundings  suitable  to  their  rank. 

Of  the  impression  made  by  their  magnificence 
on  foreigners  we  can  gather  from  the  diary  of  a 
certain  Roger  Machado  who,  in  the  capacity  of 


322  Isabel  of  Castile 

king-at-arms,  accompanied  an  English  embassy  to 
the  Spanish  Court  at  Medina  del  Campo  in  1488. 
"People  speak,"  he  says,  "of  the  honour  done  to 
Ambassadors  in  England;  but  it  is  not  to  be 
compared  to  the  honour  which  is  done  to  Ambas- 
sadors in  the  kingdom  of  Castile." 

The  torchlight  procession  that  accompanied 
them  from  their  lodgings  to  their  evening  reception 
at  the  palace;  the  majesty  and  condescension  of 
the  sovereigns;  the  speeches,  dances,  bull-fights, 
tourneys ;  each  in  turn  arouses  his  admiration ;  but 
it  is  in  his  account  of  the  costumes  and  jewellery 
that  his  diary  really  reaches  its  apogee  of  enthu- 
siasm. The  King  is  "dressed  in  a  rich  robe  of 
cloth-of-gold,  woven  entirely  of  gold,  and  furred 
with  a  rich  trimming  of  fine  sable."  The  Queen 
has  "a  rich  robe  of  the  same  woven  cloth-of-gold 
.  .  .  and  over  the  said  robe  a  riding-hood  of 
black  velvet,  all  slashed  in  large  holes  so  as  to 
show  under  the  said  velvet  the  cloth-of-gold  in 
which  she  is  dressed."  She  wears  "crosswise 
over  her  left  side  ...  a  short  cloak  of  fine 
crimson  satin  furred  with  ermine,  very  handsome 
in  appearance  and  very  brilliant." 

Roger  Machado,  had  he  lived  to-day,  would 
surely  have  made  his  fortune  as  journalist  of  some 
f ashion- weekly ;  but  even  his  facile  pen  finds  it 


ISABEL   OF    CASTILE 

CARVED   WOODEN    STATUE   FROM   THE   CATHEDRAL   AT   GRANADA 

FROM         A   QUEEN   OF   QUEENS  "    BY   CHRISTOPHER   HARE,    PUBLISHED   BY   MESSRS.    HARPER 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  323 

difficult  to  express  adequately  the  splendour  of 
the  Queen's  jewellery, — her  necklace  of  gold  and 
jewelled  roses, — the  ribbon  at  her  breast  adorned 
with  diamonds,  rubies,  and  pearls, — the  pouch 
of  her  white  leather  girdle  set  "with  a  large  balass 
ruby  the  size  of  a  tennis-ball  between  five  rich 
diamonds  and  other  stones  the  size  of  a  bean." 

"Truly,  as  I  beHeve, "  he  comments,  "and  also 
as  I  heard  it  said  at  the  time,  I  estimate  the  dress 
she  then  wore  at  the  value  of  200,000  crowns  of 
gold";  while  on  another  occasion  he  declares  her 
dress  so  rich  that  "there  is  no  man  who  can  well 
imagine  what  could  be  the  value  of  it." 

At  a  somewhat  similar  reception  of  a  French 
embassy,  tales  of  the  Queen's  magnificence  evi- 
dently spread  through  Spain;  and  Fra  Fernando 
de  Talavera,  Archbishop  of  Granada,  though  no 
longer  her  official  Father-Confessor,  felt  bound 
to  write  and  remonstrate.  Isabel  was,  however, 
able  to  offer  a  good  defence,  declaring  that  neither 
the  dresses  of  herself  nor  her  ladies  had  been  new, — 
indeed  her  own  "  made  of  silk  and  with  three  bands 
of  gold  as  plainly  as  possible,"  she  had  worn 
before  in  Aragon  in  the  presence  of  these  same 
Frenchmen.  If  some  of  the  men's  garments  were 
costly,  it  had  not  been  by  her  orders,  rather  she 
had   done   her   uttermost   to   discountenance   it. 


324  Isabel  of  Castile 

She  might  have  mentioned  also  how,  in  the 
critical  stages  of  the  Moorish  war,  she  had  pledged 
the  crown  jewels  to  merchants  of  Barcelona,  thus 
showing  that  for  all  her  appreciation  of  the  luxuries 
of  dress,  they  did  not  rank  for  a  second  in  her 
thoughts  with  more  important  considerations. 

Her  magnificence  like  her  severity  was  calculated 
and  the  same  might  be  said  of  her  liberality.  She 
had  seen  money  wasted  on  ne'er-do-wells  and  was 
fully  determined  that  no  man,  merely  because 
he  was  powerful  or  plausible,  should  prey  on  her 
revenues;  while  for  the  regular  type  of  Court- 
flatterer  hunting  for  sinecures  her  contempt 
amounted  to  aversion.  Galindez  Carvajal  tells 
us  in  his  chronicle  that  she  and  Ferdinand  kept  a 
book  in  which  they  wrote  down  the  names  of  those 
at  Court  whom  they  thought  most  capable  and 
worthy  of  reward,  consulting  it  whenever  an 
office  fell  vacant,  and  that  they  did  not  hesitate 
to  prefer  prudent  men  of  the  middle-class  to  the 
highly-born  incompetent.  Their  actual  gifts, 
though  scarcely  lavish,  were  sufficient  to  cause 
satisfaction,  and  Lucio  Marineo  declares  that 
"when  between  the  King  and  Queen  there  was 
discussion  as  to  the  fitting  reward  of  any  particular 
service,  she  on  her  part  always  gave  more  than  the 
sum  on  which  the  two  had  determined." 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  325 

Ferdinand  was  not  unlike  his  contemporary, 
Henry  VII.  of  England,  according  to  Ayala,  the 
Spanish  Ambassador's  description  of  that  mon- 
arch: "If  gold  once  enters  his  strong  boxes  it 
never  comes  out  again.  He  pays  in  depreciated 
coin." 

Against  this  criticism  may  be  set  Machiavelli's 
praise:  "If  the  present  King  of  Spain  had  desired 
to  be  thought  liberal,  he  would  not  have  been  able 
to  contrive,  nor  would  he  have  succeeded  in  so 
many  undertakings." 

It  is  pleasant  to  turn  from  calculated  policy  to 
uncalculated  enthusiasm;  and  this  may  be  truly 
said  of  Isabel's  love  of  her  faith.  Both  she  and  the 
King  were  strict  in  the  outward  observances  of 
Catholicism,  and  every  morning  would  find  Ferdi- 
nand at  Mass  before  he  broke  his  fast,  while  we 
are  told  that  on  Maundy  Thursday  his  servants 
would  seek  out  twelve  of  the  poorest  of  his  subjects 
and  that  he  would  serve  them  at  supper  and  wash 
their  feet.  Isabel  herself  would  recite  the  hours 
every  day  like  a  priest;  and,  for  all  the  whirl  of 
ceremonies  and  duties  in  which  she  found  herself 
involved,  she  would  make  time  for  special  devo- 
tions so  that  it  seemed  to  those  about  her  that  her 
life  was  "contemplative  rather  than  active." 

Her  marked  individuality,  and  the  respect  she 


326  Isabel  of  Castile 

inspired  in  Ferdinand,  had  completely  changed  the 
character  of  the  Court  from  the  old  licentious  days 
of  Henry  IV. ;  priests  of  the  type  of  Ximenes  and 
Fra  Fernando  de  Talavera  thronged  her  ante- 
chambers; and  courtiers,  when  they  saw  her  com- 
ing, would  walk  with  eyes  cast  down  in  the  hope  of 
establishing  a  reputation  for  sanctity. 

Their  hypocrisy  can  have  brought  them  little. 
The  Queen  might  be  a  saint  in  her  private  life; 
but  those  who  think  saints  necessarily  fools  stand 
convicted  of  folly  themselves.  She  was  too  shrewd 
a  judge  of  character  to  desire  to  change  her  Court 
into  a  convent,  and  her  letters  to  Fra  Fernando 
de  Talavera,  while  breathing  affection  and  admir- 
ation yet  venture  occasionally  to  question  the 
suitability  to  herself  and  her  surroundings  of  his 
standard  of  asceticism. 

It  is  my  wish  that  not  only  in  matters  of  importance 
but  in  all  that  concern  these  kingdoms  you  should 
give  me  your  advice;  .  .  .  and  this  I  do  most 
earnestly  beg,  that  you  will  not  cease  from  writing 
your  opinion  on  the  ground  that  these  things  do  not 
concern  you  since  you  are  no  longer  here;  for  well  I 
know  that  although  absent  your  counsel  will  be  worth 
more  to  me  than  that  of  another  present. 

She  then  goes  on  to  thank  him  for  the  reproofs 
he  had  administered  on  the  score  of  the  too- great 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  327 

gaiety  at  Court  and  to  assure  him  that  in  explain- 
ing certain  matters  she  is  not  seeking  to  free  herself 
from  blame. 

As  for  the  French  people  supping  with  the  ladies 
at  table,  that  is  a  thing  they  are  accustomed  to  do. 
They  do  not  get  the  custom  from  us;  but,  when  their 
great  guests  dine  with  sovereigns,  the  others  in  their 
train  dine  at  tables  in  the  hall  with  the  ladies  and 
gentlemen ;  and  there  are  no  separate  tables  for  ladies. 
The  Burgundians,  the  English,  and  the  Portuguese 
also  follow  this  custom;  and  we  on  similar  occasions 
to  this ....  I  say  this  that  you  may  see  there  was 
no  innovation  in  what  we  did,  nor  did  we  think  we  were 
doing  anything  wrong  in  it.  .  .  .  But  if  it  be  found 
wrong  after  the  inquiry  I  will  make,  it  will  be  better 
to  discontinue  it  in  future.  ...  As  for  the  bull- 
fights, I  feel  with  you,  though  perhaps  not  quite  so 
strongly.  But  after  I  had  consented  to  them,  I  had 
the  fullest  determination  never  to  attend  them  again 
in  my  life  nor  to  be  where  they  were  held. 

One  of  Queen  Isabel's  biographers  on  the  con- 
trary tells  us  that  the  Queen  admired  this  national 
pastime  for  the  skill  and  courage  it  demanded, 
a  statement  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  the 
avowed  distaste  in  her  own  letter.  Perhaps  her 
enthusiasm  was  evoked  after  the  adoption  of  her 
device  to  place  false  horns,  turned  points  inwards, 
on  the  horns  of  the  bull,  that  the  frequent  loss 
of  human  life  might  be  prevented.     It  was  hardly 


328  Isabel  of  Castile 

a  suggestion  to  win  her  popularity  with  her  sub- 
jects, whose  enjoyment  of  a  spectacle  was  always 
proportionate  to  its  risks.  Isabel  herself  did  not 
lack  the  true  sporting  instinct,  for  the  chroniclers 
record  a  bear-hunt  in  the  woods  near  Madrid, 
where  one  of  the  most  ferocious  of  the  beasts 
fell  a  trophy  to  her  javelin. 

Courage,  the  natural  heritage  of  her  race,  her 
will  and  pride  exalted  almost  to  a  fetish;  and 
Pulgar  tells  us  that  "even  in  the  hour  of  childbirth 
she  disguised  her  sufferings  and  forced  herself 
neither  to  show  nor  utter  the  pain  that  in  that 
hour  women  are  wont  to  feel  and  manifest." 

Her  reserve  was  deep,  in  all  that  concerned  her 
innermost  thoughts  almost  like  a  curtain  veiling 
some  sanctuary,  that  she  felt  would  be  profaned 
by  other  eyes,  but  now  and  then  torn  back  for  the 
moment  by  the  stress  of  some  sudden  emotion. 
Her  agony  ot  mind  was  obvious  after  the  attempted 
murder  of  Ferdinand  in  Barcelona  in  August,  1492. 
The  assassin,  a  madman  who  beHeved  the  King's 
death  would  result  in  his  own  accession  to  the 
throne,  had  hurled  himself  on  his  victim  from 
behind,  as  he  was  descending  the  palace  stairway, 
inflicting  a  deep  wound  in  his  neck.  This,  though 
not  fatal,  was  aggravated  by  fever,  and  for  many 
days  the  King's  life  hung  in  the  balance. 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  329 

And  on  the  seventh  day  [wrote  the  Queen  to  Fra 
Fernando]  the  fever  reached  its  climax,  so  that  we 
were  then  in  fear  greater  than  all  that  through  which 
we  had  previously  passed;  and  this  lasted  a  day  and 
a  night  of  which  I  will  not  say  that  which  Saint 
Gregory  said  in  the  Office  for  Holy  Saturday,  more 
than  that  it  was  a  night  of  hell;  so  that  you  may 
believe,  Father,  never  was  the  like  seen  amongst  the 
people  at  any  time,  for  officials  ceased  their  work,  and 
none  paused  to  speak  with  another.  All  was  pil- 
grimages, processions,  and  almsgiving,  and  more  hear- 
ing of  confessions  than  ever  in  Holy  Week. 

Ferdinand  was  popular  in  Barcelona,  and  the 
Council  of  Justice  there  condemned  his  assassin  to 
a  death  of  ghastly  torment,  of  which  tearing  the 
flesh  with  red-hot  pincers  formed  but  a  part. 
One  is  thankful  that  Isabel  issued  a  special  com- 
mand ordering  the  man  to  be  beheaded  before  this 
barbarous  sentence  was  enacted. 

Her  love  for  Ferdinand  was  the  strongest  of 
her  personal  affections,  growing  rather  than 
diminishing  as  the  years  passed,  so  that,  dying, 
she  sought  that  she  should  not  be  parted  from 
him  for  long. 

Let  my  body  be  interred  in  the  monastery  of  San 
Francisco,  which  is  in  the  Alhambra  of  the  city  of 
Granada,  .  .  .  but  I  desire  and  command  that,  if 
the  King,  My  Lord,  should  choose  a  sepulchre  in  any 


330  Isabel  of  Castile 

church  or  monastery  in  any  other  part  or  place  of 
these  my  kingdoms,  my  body  be  translated  thither 
and  buried  beside  the  body  of  His  Highness. 

Her  wish  is  fulfilled,  and  the  Catholic  sovereigns 
lie  side  by  side  in  the  Royal  Chapel  of  Granada; 
but  the  love  she  gave  in  such  ungrudging  measure 
was  never  fully  returned.  Isabel  was  fair  in  her 
youth,  not  beautitul  perhaps,  but  graceful  and 
dignified,  with  soft  chestnut-coloured  hair,  and 
blue-green  eyes  that  looked  out  candidly  upon  the 
world;  and  to  Ferdinand,  arriving  in  disguise  at 
Valladolid,  his  blood  set  on  fire  by  romance  and 
excitement,  she  had  seemed  a  bride  very  worthy  of 
his  chivalrous  care.  Later  he  learned  to  respect 
and  admire  her  both  as  his  wife  and  Queen,  to  love 
her  even  after  his  fashion;  but  he  was  tempera- 
mentally cold  and  self-centred,  and  the  age  set  no 
high  standard  of  fidelity.  The  chronicles  record 
that  he  had  four  illegitimate  children  by  different 
mothers,  of  whom  one,  Alfonso,  became  Arch- 
bishop of  Saragossa;  and  Isabel  was  destined  to 
suffer  bitterly  irom  a  jealousy  intensified  by  her 
pride  and  strength  of  will. 

Her  private  life  was  not,  however,  unhappy,  at 
least  in  those  years  when  her  own  children  were 
growing  up  around  her,  and  she  could  find  time 
amid  the  many  cares  of  state  to  superintend  their 


CO        O        CO 


Isabel  and  Her  Children         331 

education  and  build  dream  kingdoms  round  their 
future.  Her  ambitions  and  Ferdinand's  were  alike 
centred  on  their  only  son,  Prince  John,  whose  birth 
in  Seville  on  June  30,  1478,  we  have  mentioned 
in  an  earlier  chapter. 

"My  angel"  Isabel  would  playfully  call  the 
boy,  alluding  to  his  fair  skin  and  halo  of  curls;  and 
she  spared  no  pains  in  moulding  his  character  that 
he  might  one  day  satisfy  her  ideal  of  kingship. 
The  retinue  that  attended  the  little  Prince  of 
Asturias  was  in  miniature  a  counterpart  of  the 
elaborate  household  of  officials  and  servants 
that  surrounded  his  father  and  mother;  and, 
while  from  this  environment  he  imbibed  a 
sense  of  the  grandeur  and  aloofness  of  his  posi- 
tion, he  also  learned  early  the  lesson  of  regal 
responsibility. 

As  president  of  a  miniature  Council  of  State,  he 
listened  to  frequent  discussions  of  the  economic 
and  political  problems  of  the  day  by  men  chosen 
for  their  ability  and  experience;  but  it  must  not 
be  imagined  that  such  strong  diet  was  alone  pro- 
vided for  his  mental  digestion.  Youth  cries  out 
for  the  companionship  of  youth;  and  Isabel, 
recognizing  the  wisdom  of  this  decree  of  nature, 
established  a  class  of  ten  boys,  five  older  and  five 
of  his  own  age,  against  whose  wits  the  heir  to 


332  Isabel  of  Castile 

the  throne  might  sharpen  his  intellect  in  healthy 
competition. 

His  love  of  music,  inheritance  from  his  grand- 
father, John  II.  of  Castile,  was  encouraged  and 
developed;  and  often  in  the  evenings  the  choir 
boys  of  the  Royal  Chapel  would  assemble  in  his 
room,  and  he  and  they  sing  together;  or  on  other 
occasions  he  would  summon  his  musicians  and 
play  on  the  organ,  or  on  one  of  the  stringed  instru- 
ments of  the  day.  Musical  proficiency  was  a  sure 
road  to  his  interest  and  regard. 

In  his  position  as  heir  to  the  Spanish  dominions, 
it  was  natural  that  Prince  John's  life  should  stand 
more  in  the  limelight  of  pubHcity  than  his  sisters' : 
but  their  education  was  in  fact  scarcely  less  con- 
sidered and  planned  than  his.  The  Queen  had 
always  possessed  an  intense  admiration  for  classical 
learning;  and  it  was  one  of  Ferdinand's  regrets 
that  civil  war  had  called  him  from  the  schoolroom 
to  the  camp,  when  he  could  do  little  more  than 
read  and  write.  He  never  understood  Latin,  the 
common  language  of  cultured  Europe;  but  Isabel 
made  time  to  study  its  grammar  and  composition 
with  Beatriz  de  Galindo,  a  famous  teacher  of  her 
own  sex,  on  whom  the  Court  had  bestowed  the 
appropriate  nickname  "La  Latina." 

This  course  of  education  the  Queen  pursued  with 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  333 

her  usual  thoroughness  and  determination;  and, 
if  she  did  not  achieve  the  true  scholar's  facility 
in  translation  and  speech,  she  was  at  any  rate 
able  to  understand  the  orations  of  foreign  ambas- 
sadors, and  to  interpret  to  her  husband  the  letters 
of  the  yoimg  Italian  diplomat,  Peter  Martyr, 
who  took  so  lively  an  interest  in  her  student's 
career. 

I  am  very  anxious  to  know  how  your  Highness  is 
progressing  with  the  Latin  [he  wrote  on  one  occasion]. 
I  say  this,  Senora,  because  a  certain  style  of  Latin 
is  too  difficult  to  be  mastered  by  those  who  are  much 
occupied  with  other  matters.  Nevertheless  my  belief 
in  your  powers  of  intelligence  is  so  great  that,  if  you 
really  make  up  your  mind  to  do  it,  I  am  convinced  you 
will  succeed  as  you  have  done  with  other  languages. 

The  courtier  here  permits  himself  to  eulogize; 
but  the  compliment  if  insincere  was  yet  grounded 
in  sincerity.  Peter  Martyr  found  in  his  royal 
mistress  a  correspondent  ready  to  grant  his  letters 
their  due  meed  of  appreciation,  a  patroness 
moreover  eager  to  plant  the  fruits  of  the  classical 
renaissance  in  the  somewhat  arid  soil  of  Castile. 

Two  other  Italians  of  note  at  that  time  in  the 
world  of  scholarship,  Antonio  and  Alessandro 
Geraldino,  were  appointed  as  tutors  to  the  young 
princesses;  and   from   their   instructions   Isabel's 


334  Isabel  of  Castile 

daughters  emerged  fitting  contemporaries  of  the 
famous  D'Este  sisters  of  Ferrara.  It  is  said  that 
Joanna,  the  second  of  the  Castilian  Infantas, 
astonished  the  Flemish  Court  by  immediately 
replying  to  the  Latin  oration  of  some  learned 
scholar  in  the  same  tongue;  while  the  youngest, 
Catherine,  won  from  the  great  Erasmus  the  com- 
ment, whether  intended  as  praise  or  otherwise, 
that  she  was  "egregiously  learned." 

Castilian  chroniclers,  when  recording  with  pride 
the  intelligence  and  learning  of  Isabel  and  her 
daughters,  make  a  point  of  showing  that  such 
ability  did  not  entirely  quench  more  feminine 
tastes.  The  Queen's  visits  to  the  unruly  convents 
of  her  kingdom  in  company  with  her  needle  and 
her  spinning-wheel  have  been  already  mentioned; 
while  many  were  the  gifts  of  elaborate  vestments 
and  altar-cloths  that  she  and  her  ladies  worked 
for  the  new  Cathedral  of  Granada,  and  the  other 
churches  and  religious  houses  founded  during  her 
reign.  That  her  share  in  such  employment  was  no 
mere  occasional  easy  stitch  we  may  perhaps  as- 
sume when  we  learn  from  Father  Florez  that  "her 
husband  never  wore  a  shirt  she  herself  had  not 
woven  and  worked."  Ferdinand's  chivalry  was 
hardly  of  the  type  that  would  suffer  rough  or 
badly-fitting  clothes  for  sentimental  reasons. 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  335 

"With  such  a  mother,"  adds  Florez,  "the  daugh- 
ters could  hardly  be  idle.  They  learned  to  sew,  to 
spin,  and  to  embroider." 

Well-brought-up  mediaeval  princesses,  indeed, 
could  have  little  in  common  with  the  daughters  of 
kings  in  fairy-tale  romances,  condemned  to  luxuri- 
ous sloth  in  high-walled  gardens  or  battlemented 
towers.  From  their  earliest  days  they  must  pre- 
pare to  play  their  part  in  the  future  destiny  of  the 
nation,  to  tread  the  matrimonial  measure  not 
according  to  their  fancy  but  at  the  parental  wish ; 
and  then,  their  marriage  achieved,  to  unite  with 
the  r61e  of  wife  and  mother  the  arduous  task  of 
political  agent,  maintaining  friendly  relations, 
often  at  the  price  of  nerve-racking  strain,  between 
their  old  home  and  their  new. 

To  Ferdinand  his  children  were  veritable 
"olive-branches,"  emblems  and  instruments  of 
the  web  of  peace  that  his  diplomacy  was  slowly 
spreading  over  Europe  till  France  his  old  enemy 
should  stand  defenceless  before  his  network  of 
alliances.  The  foreign  policy  of  Spain  developed 
naturally  under  his  guidance  on  Aragonese  lines; 
yet  Castile,  though  absorbed  into  his  anti-French 
hostility  against  the  traditional  friendship  of  cen- 
turies, never  entirely  disregarded  her  own  ambi- 
tions.   The  conquest  of  Granada  and  the  discovery 


336  Isabel  of  Castile 

of  the  New  World  had  been  mainly  Castilian 
triumphs,  the  one  the  extension  of  her  border 
southwards,  the  other  a  successful  stage  in  her 
rivalry  with  Portugal  on  the  high  seas. 

Yet  a  third  Castilian  ambition  was  the  main- 
tenance of  the  status  quo  with  Portugal  at  home, 
an  end  by  no  means  permanently  achieved  by  the 
Treaty  of  Lisbon  in  1479.  By  its  terms  Joanna 
"La  Beltraneja"  had  entered  a  convent  at  Coim- 
bra  and  taken  vows  that  were  to  separate  her  for 
ever  from  the  world;  but  she  was  too  valuable  a 
puppet  in  the  hands  of  her  mother's  people  to  be 
allowed  to  remain  long  in  such  seclusion.  More 
than  once  she  quitted  her  cloister  for  the  palace  at 
Lisbon,  posing  according  to  her  own  signature 
as  "I  the  Queen,"  though  the  Portuguese  pre- 
ferred to  recognize  her  by  the  less  provocative 
title  of  "the  Excellent  Lady."^ 

Without  once  more  committing  themselves  in 
an  open  manner  to  her  claims  as  "Queen  of  Cas- 
tile," they  could  employ  her  name  in  projects 
of  alliance  with  Navarre  and  elsewhere  to  the 
indignation  and  discomfiture  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabel.  The  latter  during  the  earlier  part  of  their 
reign  were  too  fully  occupied  in  their  war  against 
the  Moors  to  show  practical  resentment  at  this 

» She  died  in  Lisbon  in  1 530  in  her  sixty-ninth  year. 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  337 

infringement  of  their  treaty.  Realizing  that  a 
conquest  of  Portugal  was  beyond  their  powers, 
they  turned  to  diplomacy;  and  in  April,  1490, 
betrothed  their  eldest  daughter  Isabel  to  Alfonso, 
son  and  heir  of  John  II.,  and  grandson  of  the 
Queen's  old  suitor,  Alfonso  V. 

Isabel  was  their  favourite  child, — her  gentle, 
sweet-tempered  yet  somewhat  melancholy  nature 
so  recalling  her  invalid  grandmother,  that  the 
Queen  in  private  would  teasingly  address  her  as 
"Mother."  It  would  not  be  a  far  journey  to  the 
Court  of  Lisbon;  and  nothing  but  rejoicing  filled 
her  parents'  hearts  at  the  gorgeous  festivities  in 
Seville,  which  were  the  background  of  her  formal 
betrothal.  Not  only  had  peace  been  established 
on  a  firm  foundation,  but  one  more  link  was  forged 
in  the  chain  between  the  Houses  of  Portugal  and 
Castile,  that  might  at  some  future  date  unite  all 
Spain  under  a  single  sovereign. 

In  the  autumn  of  1490  the  young  Princess  de- 
parted to  her  new  home;  but  contrary  to  the 
general  expectations  she  was  to  reap  sorrow  rather 
than  joy.  A  few  months  of  happiness  with  her 
bridegroom,  whose  memory  she  never  ceased  to 
cherish,  and  the  CastiHan  Infanta  was  left  a 
widow.  She  returned  to  her  parents,  seeking 
only  a  sanctuary,  where  she  might  indulge  in  her 


338  Isabel  of  Castile 

grief;  and  it  was  with  genuine  horror,  on  King 
John  of  Portugal's  death  in  1495,  that  she  re- 
pudiated the  offer  made  for  her  hand  by  his  cousin 
and  successor,  the  new  King,  Emmanuel.  To 
Ferdinand  and  Isabel  the  proposed  match  was 
both  politically  and  personally  agreeable.  Their 
daughter  was  too  young  to  let  a  single  sorrow  eat 
away  her  joy  of  life;  while  Emmanuel's  obvious 
anxiety  to  please  and  win  her  augured  well 
for  their  future  domestic  peace.  They  therefore 
pressed  his  suit,  hoping  once  more  to  consummate 
the  union  so  dear  to  Castilian  ambitions,  but  at 
first  quite  without  avail. 

We  must  tell  you  [wrote  the  Queen  to  her  ambas- 
sador in  England]  that  the  Princess,  our  daughter,  is 
very  determined  not  to  marry;  on  which  account  we 
are  obliged  to  give  the  Infanta,  Dona  Maria,  to  the 
King  of  Portugal. 

Emmanuel,  however,  preferred  the  elder  sister  to 
the  younger;  and  Maria  was  destined  to  wait  for 
her  bridegroom  till  a  more  formidable  barrier  than 
mere  disinclination  had  removed  her  rival.  In 
the  meanwhile,  when  the  Portuguese  alHance  still 
hung  in  the  balance,  proposals  for  other  marriages, 
no  less  fateful  for  Spain,  were  occupying  the 
sovereigns'  attention.  Where  should  they  find 
a  fitting  bride  for  their  son  and  heir? 


ISABEL,    OUEEN    OF    PORTUGAL,     ELDEST    DAUGHTER    OF    FERDINAND 
AND    ISABEL 


FROM    "  ICONOGRAFIA   ESPANOLA  "    BY  VALENTIN   CARDERERA  Y   SOLANO 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  339 

Since  the  days,  when  still  almost  in  his  cradle, 
he  had  been  suggested  as  a  husband  for  Joanna 
"La  Beltraneja,"  both  gossip  and  statesmanship 
had  been  busy  weaving  his  matrimonial  fate. 
The  threads  were  often  broken  abruptly;  but 
one  design  ran  clear  through  all,  the  circumvention 
of  the  growing  power  of  France. 

We  have  already  noticed  Louis  XL's  desire  to 
establish  his  influence  over  Navarre,  as  shown  in 
his  support  of  Eleanor,  Countess  of  Foix,  and  her 
French  husband,  and  in  the  marriage  of  his  sister 
Madeleine  with  their  son  Gaston.'  His  hopes 
were  realized  by  Eleanor's  accession  to  the  throne 
on  the  death  of  her  father,  John  IL  of  Aragon  in 
1479,  though  she  did  not  live  to  enjoy  for  more 
than  a  few  weeks  the  sovereignty  she  had  pur- 
chased at  the  price  of  a  sister's  blood.  She  was 
succeeded  by  her  grandson,  Francis  Phoebus,  and 
he  on  his  death  in  1483  by  his  sister,  Catherine. 

Ferdinand  and  Isabel  at  once  suggested  the 
marriage  of  this  eligible  heiress  of  thirteen  with 
their  five-year-old  son ;  but  her  mother  Madeleine 
of  Valois,  infinitely  preferred  to  ally  her  child  with 
one  of  her  own  race;  and  Catherine  carried  her 
inheritance  to  the  French  House  of  Albret.  Spain 
was  for  the  moment  foiled;  but  a  wedding  many 

*See  page  43. 


340  Isabel  of  Castile 

years  later,  its  more  than  doubtful  claims  on 
Navarre  enforced  by  arms,  was  yet  to  gain  for 
Ferdinand  the  southern  half  of  the  mountain 
kingdom,  whose  double  outlook  across  the  Pyre- 
nees had  been  the  source  of  so  much  crime  and 
bloodshed. 

Another  alliance  proposed  for  Prince  John  was 
with  Anne  of  Brittany,  heiress  of  a  duchy,  whose 
independence  had  always  threatened  the  peace  of 
France.  It  would  have  been  a  fitting  revenge  for 
French  interference  in  Navarre  and  Aragon;  but 
here  again  Spain  was  forestalled;  and  Anne  of 
Beaujeu,  regent  of  France  on  the  death  of  her 
father  Louis  XL,  succeeded  in  marrying  her 
younger  brother,  Charles  VIIL,  to  Anne  of  Brit- 
tany thus  linking  to  the  French  Crown  the  most 
important  of  its  great  provincial  dependencies. 

As  it  happened,  this  marriage  was  to  set  free 
a  bride  for  the  Spanish  Infante,  Margaret  of 
Hapsburg,  daughter  of  Maximilian,  King  of  the 
Romans,  a  Princess  betrothed  in  her  early  youth 
to  the  Dauphin  Charles  and  even  sent  to  France 
for  her  education,  but  now  repudiated  in  favour  of 
a  more  advantageous  match.  Maximilian  was  by 
no  means  a  proud  man,  but  even  his  careless 
nature  burned  with  resentment  at  his  daughter's 
return  home  under  such  circumstances;  and  he 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  341 

welcomed  the  idea  of  her  union  with  a  son  of 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  France's  antagonist 
for  so  many  years.  To  make  this  Hapsburg- 
Aragonese  friendship  the  more  obvious  and 
complete,  the  wedding  became  a  double  one; 
and  Philip,  Archduke  of  Austria  and  Count  of 
Flanders,  Maximilian's  son  and  heir,  took  as  his 
bride  the  Spanish  sovereigns'  second  daughter, 
Joanna. 

With  many  misgivings  Isabel  bade  the  latter 
good-bye  and  consigned  her  to  the  grand  fleet  in 
the  harbour  of  Lerida  that  was  to  convey  her  to 
the  Netherlands  and  bring  back  from  thence  the 
Prince  of  Asturias'  betrothed.  The  Infanta  Jo- 
anna, in  spite  of  her  careful  training,  had  shown  at 
times  an  alarming  lack  of  mental  balance.  She 
could  be  clever  and  witty,  but  also  morose  or, 
if  roused,  recklessly  passionate  in  her  speech. 
From  a  home,  where  the  air  breathed  decorum  and 
self-control,  she  now  went  to  a  pleasure-loving 
Court  presided  over  by  a  fickle  Adonis.  Would 
she  cling  tenaciously  to  the  orthodox  views  in 
which  she  had  been  bred  amid  surroundings  pal- 
pably lax  and  cynical?  Would  she  know  how  to 
keep  her  jealousy  in  leash,  if  Philip  "the  Fair," 
as  in  all  probability,  proved  faithless?  Would 
she   hold   her  head    high   and  steer   her    course 


342  Isabel  of  Castile 

with  dignity  amid  the  many  political  pitfalls,  that 
would  be  laid  for  her  in  a  strange  land? 

The  Queen  could  only  sigh  in  answer  to  these 
questions.  Joanna  in  many  ways  resembled  her 
grandmother  and  namesake,  the  Admiral's  daugh- 
ter, Joanna  Enriquez,  and  that  passionate  tempera- 
ment would  in  a  moment  of  crisis  be  its  own 
councillor.  Advice  and  warning  were  of  little 
avail. 

The  Spanish  bride  in  her  ship  of  state  sailed 
away  northwards;  and  Isabel  watched  the  clouds 
gather  with  gloomy  forebodings.  Weeks  passed, 
and  she  was  tortured  with  anxiety  till  at  length 
news  came  that,  although  the  fleet  had  been 
compelled  to  shelter  in  English  harbours  and 
several  of  the  vessels  had  been  lost,  yet  her  daugh- 
ter was  safe  in  Flanders  and  soon  to  be  married  at 
Lille. 

Early  in  March,  1497,  Margaret  of  Austria  after 
an  equally  adventurous  voyage,  whose  dangers 
induced  her  to  compose  light-heartedly  her  own 
epitaph,  landed  in  Spain  and  was  welcomed  with 
all  the  state  and  ceremony  befitting  a  future  Queen. 

How  this  matrimonial  venture,  introducing  into 
the  close  air  of  the  Spanish  Court  a  Paris-bred 
gaiety  and  insouciance,  would  have  stood  the  test 
of  time  we  cannot  tell.     The  Prince  and  his  bride 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  343 

were  young;  and,  if  her  contempt  of  convention 
scandalized  the  CastiHan  grandee,  he  could  blame 
her  youth  and  build  hopeful  arguments  on  femi- 
nine adaptability.  Thus  the  brief  honeymoon,  a 
triumphal  progress  from  one  large  town  of  the 
kingdom  to  another,  was  a  period  of  unmixed 
rejoicing  in  Spain.  All  promised  well.  Even 
the  Princess  Isabel  had  put  aside  her  long  mourn- 
ing and  consented  at  last  to  share  the  throne 
of  Portugal  with  her  patient  suitor,  demanding 
however  with  the  fanaticism  of  her  race,  so 
strangely  in  contrast  with  her  natural  sweetness, 
that  Emmanuel's  wedding-girt  to  her  should  be 
the  expulsion  of  the  Jews  from  the  land  to  which 
she  went. 

The  glory  of  the  Faith!  The  glory  of  Spain! 
Were  they  in  truth  achieved?  the  Queen  must  have 
asked  herself,  as  she  and  Ferdinand  attended  their 
daughter's  second  wedding  in  the  border  town  of 
Alcantara. 

Fortune's  wheel  never  stands  still  in  this  world 
[says  Bernaldez  sorrowfully].  It  gives  and  it  takes 
away;  it  exalts  and  it  humbles;  to  the  poor  and 
miserable  it  grants  long  years  of  which  in  their  weari- 
ness they  would  fain  be  quit;  while  to  the  wealthy, 
to  Princes,  to  Kings,  and  great  lords, — to  all  for  whom 
according  to  human  understanding  life  is  a  boon,  it 
decrees  naught  but  death. 


344  Isabel  of  Castile 

In  the  very  midst  of  the  wedding  rejoicings  came 
the  news  that  the  Prince  of  Asturias,  never  robust, 
had  fallen  ill  of  a  fever  in  Salamanca;  and  Ferdi- 
nand, hurrying  as  fast  as  he  could  to  his  bedside, 
only  arrived  when  the  end  was  all  too  certain. 
On  October  4,  1497,  at  the  age  of  nineteen, 
Prince  John  died.  Apart  from  the  private  grief 
of  his  parents  for  a  son,  whose  character  had  held 
the  promise  of  all  that  is  best  in  manhood,  his 
death  was  a  national  calamity;  and  for  weeks 
the  shadow  of  mourning  hung  alike  over  cottage 
and  castle. 

I  never  heard  [says  Commines]  of  so  solemn  and  so 
universal  a  mourning  for  any  Prince  in  Europe.  I 
have  since  been  informed  by  ambassadors  that  all 
the  tradesmen  put  themselves  into  black  clothes  and 
shut  up  their  shops  for  forty  days  together;  the 
nobility  and  gentry  covered  their  mules  with  black 
cloth  down  to  their  very  knees,  so  that  there  was 
nothing  of  them  to  be  seen  but  their  eyes;  and  set 
up  black  banners  on  all  the  gates  of  the  cities. 

Even  the  hope  that  an  heir  at  least  would  be 
left  to  their  Prince  was  destroyed  when  the  young 
widow,  nerve-stricken  at  her  sudden  loss,  gave 
birth  a  few  months  later  to  a  still-bom  daughter. 

The  succession  to  the  throne  now  devolved  on 
the  young  Queen  Isabel  of  Portugal;  and  early 


Isabel  and  Her  Children  345 

in  1498  she  and  her  husband  appeared  in  Toledo 
to  receive  the  homage  of  the  Castilian  Cortes. 
The  Aragonese  Cortes  however  utterly  declined 
to  follow  this  example,  declaring  that  they  owed 
allegiance  to  Ferdinand  and  his  male  heirs  alone; 
their  obstinacy  producing  a  public  tension  only 
relieved  when  in  August,  1498,  the  young  Queen 
gave  birth  to  a  son,  whom  all  were  willing  to 
acknowledge. 

The  longed-for  Prince,  heir  of  Castile,  Aragon, 
and  Portugal  was  bom  at  last;  the  highest  ideals 
of  Spanish  unity  seemed  on  the  eve  of  fulfilment; 
but,  almost  within  the  hour  that  gave  him  life, 
his  mother  died;  and  the  Infante  Miguel,  weak 
and  fragile,  was  not  destined  to  reach  his  second 
year. 

Three  deaths  within  three  years  and  those  the 
most  precious  in  the  land ! 

The  first  keen  blade  of  sorrow  that  transfixed  the 
Queen's  soul  [says  Bernaldez]  was  the  death  of  the 
Prince;  the  second  the  death  of  Dona  Isabel  her 
eldest  daughter,  Queen  of  Portugal;  the  third  the 
death  of  her  grandson  Don  Miguel,  for  in  him  she  had 
found  consolation.  From  this  time  the  life  of  the 
famous  and  very  virtuous  Queen  Isabel,  protector  of 
Castile,  was  without  pleasure;  and  her  days  and  her 
health  were  alike  shortened. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  ITALIAN  WARS 
I494-I504 

A  CLOUD  of  grief  hung  over  Spain,  but  abroad 
'**  her  sun  was  rising.  The  union  of  Castile 
and  Aragon,  the  Conquest  of  the  Moors,  the 
campaign  against  heresy,  the  discovery  of  un- 
known islands  in  the  West — all  these  had 
brought  her  prominently  before  the  eyes  of 
Europe;  while  yet  another  harvest  of  glory  still 
remained  for  Ferdinand's  diplomacy  to  reap  on 
foreign  shores. 

In  the  early  years  of  his  rivalry  with  France  the 
Pyrenees  had  formed  his  battleground,  but  for  all 
his  efforts,  political  or  military,  he  had  never  suc- 
ceeded in  regaining  Roussillon  or  Cerdagne  nor  in 
undermining  French  influence  in  Navarre.  Di- 
plomacy is  a  game  where  the  practised  hand  will 
always  be  at  an  immense  advantage;  and  Louis 
XL  proved  more  than  a  match  for  the  young 

346 


[I494-IS04]        The  Italian  Wars  347 

Aragonese  opponent  who  was  to  succeed  him 
eventually  as  the  craftiest  statesman  in  Europe, 

Qui  nescit  dissimulare  nescit  regnare  is  said  to  be 
the  only  paternal  sermon  to  which  the  Dauphin 
Charles  was  ever  subjected;  but  since  Louis  XL's 
craven  fear  of  his  son  denied  the  boy  all  but  the 
most  rudimentary  education,  there  was  little  likeli- 
hood that  he  would  be  able  to  make  use  of  so  subtle 
a  maxim.  Ill-developed  in  brain  as  in  body,  his 
weak  but  obstinate  nature  nourished  its  vanity 
on  schemes  requiring  the  strength  of  a  Hannibal  or 
an  Alexander  for  their  realization.  His  father  had 
with  tireless  energy  extended  the  boundaries  of 
France  north,  east,  and  south;  employing  the 
weapons  of  force,  bribery,  and  lies,  as  the  moment 
demanded.  His  success,  save  on  moral  grounds, 
might  have  prompted  the  continuation  of  his 
policy;  but  Charles  chafed  not  at  its  immorality 
only  its  apparent  pettiness  of  scope.  To  make 
peace  with  his  neighbours,  if  necessary,  by  the 
surrender  of  lately -won  possessions;  and  then, 
freed  from  Christian  molestation,  to  lead  an  army 
in  person  that  should  add  the  kingdom  of  Jerusa- 
lem to  French  dominions — this  was  the  fantasy 
that  floated  ever  before  his  eyes. 

A  crusade!  Mediaeval  Europe  had  heard  that 
project  discussed  for  many  centuries.    It  had  seen 


348  Isabel  of  Castile  I1494- 

warriors  take  the  Cross  for  reasons  true  and  false, 
had  watched  their  victories  and  their  failures, 
and,  by  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  was 
sufficiently  disillusioned  to  smile  in  private  when 
the  idea  was  mentioned.  The  recovery  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  was  a  good  excuse  for  govern- 
ments to  impose  extra  taxes,  or  for  Venice  to 
induce  the  weak-minded  to  wage  her  trade-wars  in 
the  Levant.  If  the  Turk,  as  he  threatened,  grew 
stronger  it  might  indeed  become  a  matter  of 
serious  politics;  but  in  the  meantime,  save  in 
Spain  or  Bohemia,  religious  fervour  stood  at  a 
discount. 

Yet  European  statesmen  were  ready  enough  to 
twist  the  young  French  monarch's  desire  for  high- 
sounding  glory  to  their  own  advantage.  Ludovico, 
"II  Moro,"  virtual  ruler  of  Milan  for  his  nephew 
Duke  Gian  Galeazzo  Sforza,  saw  in  an  alliance 
with  Charles  VIII.  a  way  of  extricating  himself 
from  political  troubles  that  were  likely  to  over- 
throw the  balance  of  power  in  Italy,  and  with  it 
his  own  dominion. 

"This  Ludovico  was  clever,"  says  Philip  de 
Commines  who  knew  him,  "but  very  nervous 
and  cringing  when  he  was  afraid;  a  man  without 
faith  if  he  thought  it  to  his  advantage  to  break 
his  word." 


15041  The  Italian  Wars  349 

At  the  time  when  Charles  VIIL,  grown  to  years 
of  manhood  if  not  discretion,  was  centring  his 
hopes  on  Jerusalem,  Ludovico  Sforza  Hved  in  a 
perpetual  state  of  fear.  Of  old  in  alliance  with  the 
Aragonese  House  of  Naples  and  the  Medici  at 
Florence,  he  had  regarded  with  calm  eyes  the 
hostility  of  Venice  on  the  eastern  border  of  his 
duchy  and  the  growing  ambitions  of  the  Papacy 
in  Romagna.  These  five  Powers, — Milan,  Naples, 
Rome,  and  the  republics  of  Venice  and  Florence, 
had  controlled  the  peninsula,  and  in  Machiavelli's 
words  made  it  their  object  "first  that  no  armed 
foreigner  should  be  allowed  to  invade  Italy,  second, 
that  no  one  of  their  own  number  should  be  suffered 
to  extend  his  territory." 

Slowly  the  balance  thus  established  had  been 
shaken,  and  mutual  suspicion  began  to  darken  the 
relations  between  Naples  and  Milan.  King  Fer- 
rante's  grand-daughter  Isabella  was  wife  of  the 
rightful  Duke,  Gian  Galeazzo,  and  in  her  letters 
home  made  piteous  complaints  of  his  uncle's 
tyranny.  Her  husband  was  fully  old  enough  to 
reign  but  was  kept  instead  a  prisoner  at  Pavia, 
his  natural  delicacy  of  constitution  aggravated 
by  this  restraint.  She  herself  was  relegated  to  a 
merely  secondary  position;  and  her  relations,  who 
had  intended  her  to  act  as  their  political  agent. 


350  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

not  unnaturally  resented  the  forced  seclusion  in 
which  she  lived. 

The  usurper  on  his  side,  noting  the  coldness  of 
Ferrante  and  his  son  Alfonso,  Duke  of  Calabria, 
was  hatinted  by  a  perpetual  nightmare  of  his  own 
downfall  through  Neapolitan  intervention.  Such 
a  revolution  would  please  Venice,  who  liked  noth- 
ing better  than  to  see  her  ambitious  neighbour 
involved  in  trouble,  while  little  help  could  be 
expected  from  the  selfish  Papacy,  or  from 
Florence  which,  torn  by  factions  since  the 
death  of  the  wise  Lorenzo  de  Medici  in  1492, 
was  too  weak  to  prove  either  a  formidable  foe 
or  ally. 

In  his  need  of  support  Ludovico  looked  beyond 
the  Alps,  and  instantly  his  quick  brain  suggested 
the  r61e  which  Charles  VIII.  might  play.  It  was 
little  more  than  haH  a  century  since  the  last 
representative  of  the  Angevin  claims  on  Naples 
had  been  defeated  and  driven  away  from  that 
southern  kingdom  by  his  Aragonese  rival,  Alfonso 
V.  ^  Since  that  date  the  House  of  Anjou  had  been 
incorporated  with  the  French  Crown,  and  thus 
Charles  stood  heir  to  its  Italian  ambitions ;  Naples 
but  a  stepping-stone  on  the  road  to  his  conquest  of 
Jerusalem. 

'  See  page  25. 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  351 

If  you  will  be  ruled  by  me  [declared  Ludovico 
enthusiastically]  I  will  assist  in  making  you  greater 
than  Charlemagne;  for,  when  you  have  conquered  the 
Kingdom  of  Naples,  we  will  easily  drive  the  Turk  out 
of  the  Empire  of  Constantinople. 

Such  glib  assurance  awoke  no  answering  belief 
amongst  the  older  and  more  experienced  of  the 
French  King's  councillors;  but  Charles  was  in  the 
mood  of  Rehoboam  and  welcomed  only  the  advice 
of  the  young  and  reckless,  which  confirmed  his  own 
strong  desire  to  undertake  the  invasion.  Com- 
mines,  shaking  his  head  over  the  many  difficulties 
to  be  encountered,  concludes  that  Providence  must 
certainly  have  guided  and  protected  the  expedition, 
"for,"  he  adds,  "the  wisdom  of  the  contrivers  of 
this  scheme  contributed  but  little." 

The  first  step  was  for  Charles  to  secure  the  good- 
will of  his  neighbours;  and,  having  decked  out  the 
glory  of  a  crusade  against  the  Turks  in  its  bright- 
est colours,  he  proceeded  to  buy  the  complaisance 
of  England,  Flanders,  and  Spain  towards  his  pro- 
ject by  various  concessions  and  gifts.  In  the  case 
of  Spain  the  price  demanded  was  the  surrender  of 
Roussillon  and  Cerdagne;  and  it  is  said  that 
superstition  as  well  as  his  anxiety  for  a  settlement 
gained  the  French  King's  final  consent  to  this 
bargain.    Two  friars,  whether  bribed  by  Ferdinand 


352  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

or  no,  declared  that  Louis XI.  had  sinned  grievously 
in  ever  taking  possession  of  these  provinces,  seeing 
that  his  rival,  though  he  had  failed  to  redeem  the 
mortgage  on  them,  had  spent  his  funds  instead 
on  a  holy  war  against  the  Moors.  Charles,  they 
urged,  must  make  instant  restoration  or  run  the 
risk,  when  he  died,  that  his  soul  should  dwell  for 
ever  in  Purgatory. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Barcelona  (January,  1493) 
Roussillon  and  Cerdagne  passed  back  therefore 
into  Spanish  hands,  and  Ferdinand  with  many  com- 
pliments and  protestations  of  friendship  agreed 
to  an  alliance  with  France  against  all  enemies  and 
to  assist  him  in  his  crusade  on  the  understanding 
that  such  terms  should  not  affect  his  relations  with 
the  Holy  See.  His  allegiance  to  the  "Vicar  of 
Christ"  must  stand  before  all  other  claims. 

Satisfied  that  he  might  now  proceed  on  his  road 
to  fame  without  the  interference  of  the  great 
Powers  of  Europe,  Charles  crossed  the  Alps  early 
in  September,  1494.  His  forces,  which  comprised 
not  only  the  chivalry  of  France  eager  to  prove  its 
metal  but  also  companies  of  Swiss  and  German 
mercenaries  armed  with  pike,  halberd,  and  arque- 
bus, were  further  strengthened  by  a  formidable 
array  of  artillery,  mounted  on  carriages  drawn  by 
horses.    These  could  be  moved  almost  as  fast  as 


15041  The  Italian  Wars  353 

the  infantry;  and  Italy,  accustomed  to  the  old- 
fashioned  heavy  guns  dragged  across  the  country 
by  teams  of  oxen,  heard  the  report  of  the  invader's 
superior  ordnance  with  amazement,  even  with 
incredulity. 

In  Naples,  the  idea  of  a  new  Angevin  expedition 
had  at  first  aroused  laughter,  and  only  the  old 
King  Ferrante  had  treated  it  as  a  serious  issue. 
In  January,  1494,  he  died,  and  his  son  Alfonso  II., 
realizing  at  last  that  Ludovico's  threats  were  no 
mere  cry  of  "wolf!"  leagued  himself  with  the  Pope 
and  Florence  to  protect  the  frontiers  of  Romagna 
and  Tuscany. 

The  campaign  that  followed  is  perhaps  the  most 
amazing  in  the  history  of  European  warfare.  In 
September,  Charles  was  at  Asti,  indulging  as 
Ludovico's  guest  in  festivities  and  excesses  scarcely 
in  keeping  with  the  ideal  of  a  Christian  crusader. 
Pleasure  thus  delayed  him  a  month;  but  from 
November,  when  he  entered  Florence,  master  of 
her  principal  fortresses  and  acclaimed  as  a  con- 
quering hero  by  the  populace,  his  triumphant 
progress  southwards  was  almost  unimpeded.  Jan- 
uary, 1495,  found  him  in  Rome,  at  peace  with  the 
Pope  on  the  strength  of  a  hastily-constructed 
agreement,  and  by  February,  he  had  reached  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 
23 


354  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

The  abdication  of  Alfonso  in  favour  of  his  son 
Ferrantell. ;  the  latter's  retreat  from  SanGermano, 
where  he  had  intended  to  make  a  determined  stand 
against  the  enemy;  and  finally  a  revolution  in  the 
town  of  Naples  itself  to  overthrow  its  Aragonese 
defenders — these  completed  the  downfall  of  what 
might  truly  be  called  a  "House  of  Cards."  Fer- 
rante,  declaring  that  the  sins  of  his  fathers  and  not 
his  own  had  been  visited  on  his  head,  fled  to 
Sicily;  and  on  February  226.,  Charles,  clad  in 
imperial  purple  and  holding  a  golden  sceptre  in 
his  hand,  entered  the  capital  in  triumph  and  was 
duly  crowned  as  "King  of  Naples  and  Jerusalem 
and  Emperor  of  the  East." 

Almost  without  the  loss  of  a  soldier  and  in  less 
than  six  months  he  had  achieved  his  stepping- 
stone.  Alexander  VI.,  referring  to  the  campaign, 
remarked  sarcastically  that  the  French  needed 
only  a  child's  wooden  spurs  to  urge  on  their  horses, 
and  chalk  to  mark  their  lodgings  for  the  night. 
For  all  their  previous  scoffing  the  armies  of  Italy 
had  melted  away  like  mist  before  the  despised 
"  Barbarians, "  or  else  had  fled  in  terror  at  the  first 
encounter. 

Contemporary  historians  are  ready  enough  with 
their  explanations.  The  wars  in  the  peninsula, 
says  the  Florentine  Guicciardini,  had  been  waged 


15041  The  Italian  Wars  355 

hitherto  chiefly  in  the  study  or  on  paper;  and  his 
fellow-citizen,  Machiavelli,  elaborates  this  theory. 
The  luxury,  the  civilization,  and  the  culture,  that 
made  the  cities  of  Italy  the  admiration  and  the 
desire  of  the  rest  of  Europe,  had  produced  an 
enervating  atmosphere  in  which  the  healthy  virtues 
of  patriotism  and  hardihood  withered  away.  States 
grew  to  rely  for  their  defence  not  on  their  own 
subjects  but  on  mercenary  armies  enrolled  by 
Condottieri  generals;  and  these,  actuated  by  no 
motive  save  to  secure  their  pay  for  as  many  weeks 
as  possible,  converted  war  from  a  grim  struggle 
for  existence  into  an  intricate  but  nearly  bloodless 
pastime. 

They  spared  no  effort  to  relieve  themselves  and 
their  men  from  fatigue  and  danger,  not  killing  one 
another  in  battle,  but  making  prisoners  who  were 
afterwards  released  without  ransom.  They  would 
attack  no  town  by  night,  nor  would  those  within  make 
sorties  against  their  besieging  foe.  Their  camps  were 
without  rampart  or  trench.  They  fought  no  winter 
campaigns. 

Little  wonder  if  men  used  to  a  warfare  of 
courtesies  shrank  appalled  from  a  ferocity  that, 
once  aroused,  spared  neither  young  nor  old,  women 
nor  invalids.  In  the  early  stages  of  the  invasion 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  had  defeated  Federigo,  brother 


356  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

of  King  Alfonso  of  Naples,  at  Rapallo;  and  the 
town,  daring  to  resist  the  conquerors,  had  been 
put  to  the  sack  with  all  the  brutality  attending  a 
general  massacre.  Its  fate  had  a  paralysing  effect 
on  future  attempts  to  hinder  the  French  advance, 
especially  in  Naples,  where  devotion  to  the  reigning 
House  of  Aragon  was  never  more  than  half-hearted. 

Ferrante  I.  and  his  son,  Alfonso  II.,  had  been 
typical  Italian  despots,  ruling  by  fear  rather  than 
by  love,  and  to  satisfy  their  own  caprice  rather 
than  to  win  their  land  prosperity  or  glory.  Fer- 
rante II.  was  gentle  and  well-intentioned  but  too 
little  known  to  be  popular.  Thus  the  Neapolitans, 
cynically  assured  that  the  sovereign  did  not  exist 
for  whom  it  was  worth  while  to  risk  their  lives, 
threw  open  their  gates  to  the  French  and  joyfully 
acclaimed  them  as  long-hoped  for  saviours. 

In  a  century  that  witnessed  the  perseverance 
and  daring  of  the  Moorish  struggle,  the  campaign 
of  Charles  VIII.  stands  out  like  a  monstrous 
caricature  of  triumph.  Founded  in  vanity,  its 
success  had  startled  Europe,  but  was  to  prove  as 
evanescent  as  it  was  cheaply  won.  The  fault  lay 
to  a  large  extent  with  the  conquerors. 

At  our  first  entrance  into  Italy  [says  Commines 
sadly]  we  were  regarded  like  saints,  and  everybody 
thought  us  people  of  the  greatest  goodness  and  sin- 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  357 

cerity  in  the  world;  but  that  opinion  lasted  not 
long  for  our  own  disorders  and  the  false  reports 
of    our    enemies   quickly    convinced    them    of    the 

contrary. 

The  Frenchman  and  the  Swiss  or  German 
mercenary,  conscious  of  their  easy  victory,  fell 
into  the  trap  of  regarding  the  Italians  as  cowards 
whom  it  was  scarcely  worth  while  to  conciliate; 
and  Charles  on  his  part,  too  little  of  the  statesman 
to  secure  what  he  had  won,  abandoned  himself  to 
idle  pleasure.  Tyranny  and  licence  worked  hand 
in  hand  to  teach  the  Neapolitans  that  a  change  of 
dynasty  may  not  be  always  for  the  better,  and 
as  they  groaned  under  the  taxation  and  insolence 
of  foreign  officials  they  began  to  remember  Fer- 
rante  in  his  exile  in  Sicily. 

Elsewhere  in  Italy  there  were  also  signs  of 
reaction.  Ludovico  "II  Moro"  had  swept  his 
Aragonese  rivals  from  his  path;  and  death,  not 
without  his  assistance  if  there  was  any  truth  in 
rumour,  had  removed  the  young  Duke  Gian 
Galeazzo ;  but  it  was  now  the  all-conquering  French 
who  filled  him  with  dismay.  Before  the  Sforza  had 
established  their  rule  in  Milan,  the  Visconti,  had 
reigned  there,  and  Louis,  Duke  of  Orleans,  cousin 
of  Charles  VIII.  and  a  near  heir  to  the  throne, 
was  a  descendant  of  the  Visconti  in  the  female 


358  Isabel  of  Castile  11494- 

line.'  Since  the  French  had  found  how  easy  it 
was  to  invade  Italy,  what  should  prevent  them 
from  claiming  not  only  Naples  but  Milan? 

Ludovico,  in  terror  for  his  duchy,  was  now  as 
eager  to  drive  out  the  invaders  as  formerly  to 
welcome  them,  and  soon  persuaded  Venice  and 
the  Papacy  to  join  him  in  an  alliance  for  this 
purpose.  Outside  Italy,  Maximilian,  who  had  been 
elected  Holy  Roman  Emperor  on  the  death  of  his 
father  in  1493,  was  also  alarmed  at  the  signal 
triumph  of  the  House  of  Valois;  but  since  his 
promises  usually  outran  their  fulfilment  the  real 
organization  of  an  effective  opposition  devolved 
on  Spain. 

Ferdinand,  in  spite  of  the  outward  amity  signed 
and  sealed  at  Barcelona,  had  worked  secretly  from 
the  first  to  prevent  the  success  of  Charles  VIII. 's 
ambitions.  Roussillon  and  Cerdagne  once  secured, 
he  had  no  inducement  to  keep  his  bargain;  and, 
when  the  French  King  on  the  eve  of  the  invasion 
sent  to  remind  him  of  his  promise  to  help  in  the 
crusade,  the  elder  statesman,  though  apparently 
enthusiastic,  proceeded  craftily  to  withdraw  his 
support.    Charles  had  placed  the  idea  of  ultimate 

'Louis,  Duke  of  Orleans,  afterwards  Louis  XII.  of  France, 
was  grandson  of  Valentina  Visconti,  sister  of  Duke  Filippo 
Maria. 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  359 

war  against  the  Turks  well  in  the  foreground 
of  his  public  programme,  with  merely  a  casual 
allusion  to  his  designs  on  Italy;  and  this  enabled 
Ferdinand,  while  acclaiming  war  on  the  Infidel 
as  the  one  ambition  of  his  life,  to  denounce  the 
rest  of  the  proposal  with  mingled  surprise  and 
horror. 

His  ambassador,  Don  Alonso  de  Silva,  begged 
the  French  King  in  moving  terms  to  desist  from 
an  expedition  that  could  only  prove  the  scandal 
of  Christianity;  but  still  more  forcible  was  his 
argument  that,  since  Naples  was  a  fief  of  the 
Church,  any  attack  made  on  that  kingdom  would 
at  once  absolve  his  master  from  his  alHance  with 
France.  The  allegiance  of  Ferdinand  to  the  Holy 
See  had  been  an  item  of  too  frequent  recurrence 
in  the  Treaty  of  Barcelona  for  Charles  to  miss  the 
point;  and,  as  he  turned  from  De  Silva  in  fury, 
he  realized  that  he  had  been  badly  duped. 

One  of  the  greatest  strokes  of  good  fortune  for  a 
man  [says  Guicciardini]  is  to  have  an  opportunity  of 
showing  that  in  the  things  he  does  for  his  own  interest 
he  is  moved  by  the  thought  of  the  public  good. 
This  is  what  shed  glory  on  the  enterprises  of  the 
Catholic  King.  What  he  did  for  his  own  security  and 
aggrandizement  often  looked  as  if  it  were  done  for  the 
advancement  of  the  Christian  Faith  or  the  defence  of 
the  Church. 


360  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

Ferdinand  may  appear  a  consummate  scoundrel 
to  modem  minds,  but  in  his  own  day  it  can  be  seen 
that  he  was  not  without  admirers. 

From  grief  at  an  injury  offered  to  a  Papal  fief, 
his  opposition  to  France  on  the  Pope's  behalf  grew 
so  rapidly  that  Alexander  VI.  was  induced  in  1494, 
not  only  to  grant  to  him  and  his  Queen,  as  we  have 
already  noticed,  the  title  of  "Catholic  Kings,"  but 
to  concede  to  them  as  part  of  their  revenue  two- 
ninths  of  the  Spanish  tithes  and  rights  of  sover- 
eignty over  most  of  the  North- African  coast.  Nor 
was  this  cordial  relationship  affected  by  the  peace 
with  France,  into  which  Alexander  was  temporarily 
driven  when  Charles  VIIL  hammered  at  the  gates 
of  Rome ;  for  hardly  had  this  second  Charlemagne 
and  his  army  vanished  southwards  than  the  plots 
for  his  undoing  were  redoubled. 

In  March,  1495,  the  "League  of  Venice"  made 
it  patent  to  Europe  that  the  Empire,  Spain,  Rome, 
Milan,  and  Venice  had  pledged  themselves  to 
unite  for  the  mutual  preservation  of  their  domin- 
ions. Secret  stipulations  explained  that  this  end 
would  be  secured  by  Ferdinand  dispatching  an 
army  to  Sicily  to  help  Ferrante  II.  in  recovering 
his  kingdom,  the  Venetian  fleet  meanwhile,  attack- 
ing the  Neapolitan  coast-towns  in  French  hands. 
Spanish  and  Imperial  forces  would  also  assault 


15041  The  Italian  Wars  361 

France  on  her  southern  and  eastern  boundaries; 
while  Ludovico  Sforza  employed  the  mercenary 
levies  of  Milan  in  holding  the  passes  of  the  Alps 
against  any  further  inroad  of  "Barbarians." 

To  Charles,  idling  at  Naples,  the  menace  of  the 
League  came  like  a  thunderclap.  As  timid  now 
as  formerly  self-confident,  he  cast  Jerusalem  from 
his  thoughts,  and  in  May,  1495,  turned  his  face 
homewards  at  the  head  of  some  ten  thousand  men. 
The  rest  of  his  army  remained  to  guard  his  newly 
acquired  kingdom,  with  the  Count  of  Montpensier 
as  Viceroy  and  Stuart  d'Aubigny,  a  Scotch  soldier 
of  repute,  as  Governor-General  of  Calabria. 

At  Fornovo,  in  Milanese  territory,  the  retreat- 
ing invaders  were  attacked  by  Ludovico's  troops 
in  combination  with  the  Venetians,  but  succeeded 
in  repulsing  them  and  making  their  way  safely 
across  the  frontier.  Much  of  their  baggage, 
however,  fell  into  Italian  hands,  and  the  Allies 
loudly  proclaimed  their  victory.  Fortune,  hitherto 
so  indulgent,  was  tired  of  her  incapable  protege, 
and  at  her  frown  his  dominion  quickly  crumbled 
away.  As  he  quitted  Neapolitan  territory  Ferrante 
II.,  supported  by  a  Spanish  army  under  Gonsalvo 
de  Cordova,  left  Sicily  for  the  mainland,  and 
though  at  first  held  at  bay  by  D'Aubigny,  had  re- 
gained the  greater  part  of  his  inheritance  before 


362  Isabel  of  Castile  I1494- 

a  year  had  passed.  In  July,  1496,  Naples  "the 
fickle"  opened  her  gates  to  him;  while  later  in  the 
same  month  the  Viceroy,  Montpensier,  whose 
frantic  appeals  to  his  master  for  reinforcements 
had  been  ignored,  was  driven  to  capitulate  at 
Atella. 

"Of  the  expedition  of  Charles  VIII.,"  says  a 
French  historian,  "no  more  trace  remained  than 
of  the  exploits  of  Amadis  de  Gaula." 

Judging  by  merely  tangible  results,  or  rather 
by  the  lack  of  them,  it  may  appear  at  first  sight 
that  in  a  biography  of  Isabel  of  Castile,  this  cam- 
paign has  received  unmerited  attention.  The 
French  meteor  had  come  and  gone;  and  the 
balance  of  power  in  Italy,  although  badly  shaken, 
was  restored  to  its  equilibrium.  Individual  rulers 
had  passed  from  the  board;  but  Milan,  Venice, 
Florence,  Rome,  and  Naples  once  more  checked 
and  counter-checked  each  other's  moves.  How 
could  this,  temporary  disarrangement  be  said  to 
have  concerned  Spain,  save  to  afford  a  passing 
triumph  for  Ferdinand's  diplomacy? 

Yet  in  truth  this  same  expedition  was  pregnant 
with  results  not  only  for  Spain  but  the  whole  of 
Western  Christendom,  results  so  far-reaching  that 
the  history  of  modem  Europe  is  often  said  to  have 
begun  at  this  date.     Mediaeval  Italy  had  rallied 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  363 

for  a  moment,  but  she  had  none  the  less  received 
her  death-blow,  the  very  incompetence  and  folly 
of  her  conqueror  revealing  her  mortal  weakness. 
Never  again,  till  centuries  had  passed  would  her 
sunny  fields  and  pleasant  cities  be  free  from  foreign 
menace;  never  again  would  her  native  rulers  be 
left  to  plot  and  plan  her  future  undisturbed.  Her 
beauty,  her  culture,  her  luxury  had  aroused  the 
lust  of  younger  and  hardier  nations;  and  against 
their  strength  she  could  offer  no  adequate  defence. 

Ludovico  Sforza  had  boasted  too  soon,  when  he 
depicted  a  map  of  Italy,  with  himself  broom  in 
hand  sweeping  the  other  Powers  before  him  where 
he  would.  In  April,  1498,  Charles  VIII.  of  France 
died  and  was  succeeded  by  his  cousin,  Louis,  Duke 
of  Orleans,  who  at  once  styled  himself  King  of 
Naples  and  Duke  of  Milan.  The  assumption  of 
these  titles  foretold  his  invasion  of  Italy,  when- 
ever a  favourable  opportunity  should  occur,  a 
hint  of  which  other  Powers  were  not  slow  to  take 
advantage.  Venice,  at  the  price  of  a  small  stretch 
of  Lombard  territory  for  her  mainland  empire, 
agreed  to  Ludovico's  ruin,  with  a  short-sightedness 
that  aroused  Peter  Martyr's  shrewd  comment  to  a 
Venetian  friend :  "The  King  of  France,  after  he  has 
dined  with  the  Duke  of  Milan,  will  sup  with  you. " 

The    Pope,    anxious    to    found    a    kingdom   in 


364  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

Romagna  for  his  family,  also  put  away  former 
anti-French  prejudices,  and  granted  a  divorce, 
much  desired  by  Louis  XII.,  in  return  for  a  bride 
and  the  title  "Duke  of  Valentinois"  for  his  son, 
Caesar  Borgia. 

The  way  for  French  ambition  was  thus  paved; 
and  Ludovico  "  II  Moro, "  with  a  retributive  justice 
not  often  so  clearly  shown,  fell  a  victim  to  the 
storm  he  had  originally  evoked ;  and,  captured  by 
his  rival  in  April,  1500,  was  sent  to  end  his  days 
in  the  dungeons  of  Loches.  Less  deserved  but 
equally  irrevocable  was  the  disappearance  of  the 
bastard  line  of  Aragon  in  Naples.  Ferrante  II. 
had  died  in  September,  1496;  and  his  uncle  and 
successor,  Federigo,  menaced  by  Louis  XII.,  sought 
assistance  from  his  relations  in  Spain  without 
avail.  Ferdinand  was  playing  a  deeper  game  than 
to  preserve  the  throne  of  those  whom  he  secretly 
regarded  as  having  cheated  him  out  of  a  rightful 
inheritance.  Only  political  and  financial  embarrass- 
ments had  caused  his  father,  John  II.,  to  acquiesce 
in  Alfonso  V.'s  will,  leaving  Naples  to  an  illegiti- 
mate son;  and  Ferdinand,  with  a  united  Spain 
behind  him,  and  an  army  trained  for  ten  long  years 
in  the  wars  of  Granada,  saw  no  reason  to  continue 
this  policy.  His  support  of  Ferrante  II.  had  been  a 
temporary    expedient   to   rid    Southern    Italy    of 


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A    KING-AT-ARMS 

FROM    "SPANISH   ARMS   AND  ARMOUR" 
REPRODUCED   BY  COURTESY  OF   THE  AUTHOR,    MR     A.    F.    CALVERT 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  365 

Charles  VIII. ;  but  now  he  boldly  approached  the 
French  King  with  a  wholly  selfish  scheme  of 
spoliation  that  finally  took  shape  in  the  Partition 
Treaty  of  Granada  of  November,  1500.  Federigo 
had  foolishly  given  an  opening  to  his  enemies, 
when  in  despair  at  his  isolation  he  appealed  to  the 
Turks  to  come  to  his  aid ;  and  the  Pope  was  thus 
enabled  to  denounce  him  as  a  traitor  to  the  Chris- 
tian Faith  and  to  demand  his  instant  abdication. 

His  kingdom,  divided  into  two  by  a  somewhat 
vague  boundary  line,  was  partitioned  by  France 
and  Spain,  Louis  receiving  the  northern  portion 
with  the  town  of  Naples,  Ferdinand  the  provinces 
of  Calabria  and  Apulia.  The  unfortunate  Federigo 
after  a  feeble  effort  to  oppose  this  settlement, 
yielded  to  superior  force,  and  retired  to  honourable 
captivity  in  France  with  the  title  "Duke  of 
Anjou." 

Machiavelli's  contempt  for  Louis  XII. 's  share 
in  the  treaty  was  unbounded.  "The  French  do 
not  understand  statecraft,"  was  his  answer  to 
Cardinal  d'Amboise,  who  on  one  occasion  had 
suggested  sneeringly  that  the  Italians  did  not 
understand  war;  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  the 
Florentine  considered  his  own  race  the  more 
blest.  That  a  King  who  might  have  controlled 
the  peninsula  should  deUberately  choose  to  share 


366  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

his  supremacy  with  a  powerful  rival  was  of  all 
acts  the  most  stupid;  and  stupid  indeed  it  was  to 
prove;  though  it  may  be  questioned  if,  in  the  face 
of  Ferdinand's  opposition,  Louis  could  have  con- 
quered Naples  at  all. 

Where  war  in  Southern  Italy  was  concerned, 
Spain  had  in  many  ways  the  advantage  over 
France,  above  all  in  her  extensive  eastern  sea- 
board and  her  possession  of  the  island  of  Sicily, 
which  afforded  a  convenient  base  of  operations 
for  landing  reinforcements  and  provisions.  Louis 
would  have  needed  to  maintain  an  enormous  army 
had  he  endeavoured  to  keep  Naples  entirely  free 
of  Spanish  aggression;  but  his  alternative  policy 
of  sharing  the  kingdom  bordered  quite  as  close 
on  the  impossible. 

Differences  of  opinion  respecting  the  imaginary 
boundary  (that  had  left  the  ownership  of  some  of 
the  middle  provinces  undefined) ;  quarrels  as  to 
the  right  of  collecting  the  tolls  paid  on  the  cattle 
and  sheep  passing  from  their  summer  quarters  in 
the  Abruzzi  to  the  sheltered  valleys  of  the  Capi- 
tanata,  their  winter  home;  feuds  between  those 
Neapolitan  barons,  who  had  originally  supported 
the  Angevin  cause,  and  their  opponents,  the  former 
Allies  of  the  Aragonese  House — these  were  matters 
so  productive  of  strife  that  any  efforts  to  establish 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  367 

a  permanent  peace  between  France  and  Spain  were 
obviously  doomed  to  failure.  Thus,  by  1502,  the 
royal  thieves  had  fallen  out ;  and  war,  occasionally 
suspended  by  truces  and  negotiations,  devastated 
Naples  for  the  next  two  years. 

Its  course  is  hardly  a  highway  in  Castilian 
history,  though  its  battles  were  waged  and  its 
victories  secured  mainly  by  Castilian  soldiers. 
The  ambitions  by  which  it  was  dictated  were 
purely  Aragonese ;  and  the  final  success  of  Spanish 
arms  in  1504,  that  drove  the  French  from  Naples, 
was  the  crowning  triumph  of  Ferdinand's  career. 
Yet,  in  as  much  as  the  issue  so  vitally  affected  the 
future  of  Spain,  drawing  her  definitely  into  a 
struggle  for  the  supremacy  of  Europe,  and  pitting 
her  against  France  in  a  national  duel  that  was 
to  outlast  both  Ferdinand  and  Louis,  the  campaign 
demands  some  mention  here. 

Its  actual  conduct  recalls,  not  only  through  its 
deeds  of  chivalry  and  daring  but  in  the  character 
of  its  warfare,  the  struggle  in  Granada;  and,  if 
Spain  owed  her  success  largely  to  her  advantageous 
position,  she  was  also  indebted  to  the  thorough 
training  her  soldiers  had  received  in  guerilla 
tactics.  The  mountainous  districts  of  the  king- 
dom of  Naples  were  peculiarly  suited  to  the  quick 
movements  of  light-armed  horse;  but  Gonsalvo 


368  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

de  Cordova,  Ferdinand's  Commander-in-chief, 
though  recognizing  and  using  to  the  full  this  know- 
ledge, did  not  disdain  to  leam  what  his  enemies 
could  teach  him  in  other  branches  of  military  art ; 
and  his  infantry,  patiently  drilled  on  the  Swiss 
method,  was  soon  to  prove  the  equal  of  any  body 
of  troops  in  Europe. 

The  real  laurels  of  victory  belong  indeed  to 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova;  for,  though  the  French 
army  could  boast  heroes  of  chivalry,  such  as 
Bayard  the  "knight  without  fear  or  stain,"  and 
generals  of  skill  and  courage,  such  as  D'Aubigny, 
it  had  no  soldier  who  could  in  any  way  approach 
the  genius  of  the  "Great  Captain."  Gonsalvo 
had  been  bred  in  a  school  of  war,  which  gave 
individual  talent  full  scope,  and  like  his  elder 
brother,  Alonso  de  Aguilar,  he  had  been  early 
singled  out  by  Isabel  for  praise  and  advancement. 

To  the  light-hearted  chivalry  of  the  courtier,  he 
united  the  prudence  and  foresight  of  a  practised 
statesman,  and  the  patience  and  equable  tem- 
perament of  the  bom  ruler  of  men.  In  the  fire 
before  Granada  which  destroyed  the  Queen's  tent, 
he  had  been  prompt  to  put  at  her  disposal  his 
wife's  wardrobe;  an  act  of  courtesy  that  caused 
Isabel  to  remark  she  was  afraid  he  and  his  family 
had  suffered  more  loss  than  herself.     This  and 


SPANISH    MAN-AT-ARMS,     FIFTEENTH    CENTURY 

FROM    "  SPANISH    ARMS   AND  ARMOUR  •' 

REPRODUCED   BY  COURTESY  OF   THE  AUTHOR,    MR.    A.    F.    CALVERT 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  369 

similar  deeds  of  courtesy  made  him  a  pattern  of 
manners  in  his  own  day,  but  Hke  the  Enghsh 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh  he  was  no  mere  carpet-knight 
in  search  of  royal  favour.  He  was  devoid  of 
personal  fear,  yet,  when  large  issues  depended  on 
his  orders,  he  never  let  his  courage  degenerate  into 
recklessness,  after  the  manner  of  the  average 
Castilian  commander,  and  perhaps  his  greatest 
military  gift  was  his  power  of  judging  whether  the 
occasion  required  caution  or  a  daring  onslaught. 
Never  was  a  leader  more  intrepid  in  attack,  more 
cool  in  the  hour  of  retreat,  or  less  easily  drawn 
from  a  good  position  by  feint  or  scoff. 

"A  general,"  he  once  remarked,  "must  obtain 
the  victory  at  any  price,  right  or  wrong.  After- 
wards he  will  be  able  to  make  tenfold  compensa- 
tion to  those  whom  he  has  injured. " 

This  specious  reasoning  is  characteristic  both 
of  the  man  and  the  age  in  which  he  lived;  and 
Gonsalvo,  like  many  of  his  contemporaries,  was 
a  strange  combination  of  sincerity  and  unscrup- 
ulous dealing.  After  the  campaign  against  Charles 
VIII.,  in  which  he  had  assisted  Ferrante  II.  to 
win  back  his  kingdom,  the  Spanish  General  had 
been  rewarded  by  a  lavish  grant  of  Neapolitan 
territory.  When,  however,  war  broke  out  once 
more,  and  Gonsalvo  foimd  he  must  lead  his  troops 


2>7^  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

against  his  former  Allies,  his  code  of  honour 
prompted  him  to  inform  them  of  his  regret  at  this 
necessity  and  to  offer  the  restoration  of  their 
gifts  before  embarking  on  hostile  measures.  At 
the  surrender  of  Taranto  in  1502,  on  the  other 
hand,  having  promised  on  oath  that  the  yoimg 
Duke  of  Calabria,  Federigo's  eldest  son,  should  be 
free  to  go  where  he  liked,  he  nevertheless  arrested 
the  boy  and  sent  him  a  prisoner  to  Spain.  It  has 
been  argued  that,  in  the  latter  case,  he  had 
received  sudden  orders  from  Ferdinand  not  on 
any  account  to  let  the  Duke  escape;  but  the 
excuse,  if  true  is  after  all  a  sorry  shelter  for  his 
bad  faith. 

More  pleasing,  in  a  country  where  generals 
were  wont  to  sell  their  services  to  the  highest 
bidder  and  yield  to  bribery  with  little  hesitation, 
was  Gonsalvo's  persistent  loyalty  to  his  sovereign. 
Ferdinand  was  not  an  easy  master  to  satisfj^  for 
neither  his  thoughts  nor  actions  were  ordinarily 
generous,  and  his  cold  distrustful  nature  was  slow 
to  respond  to  either  enthusiasm  or  anxiety.  Dur- 
ing the  war  of  Granada,  the  task  of  dispatching  an 
adequate  supply  of  soldiers  and  ammunition  to  the 
seat  of  war  had  fallen,  as  we  have  seen,  to  Isabel; 
but  with  increasing  ill-health  and  worry  such 
affairs  had  slipped  from  her  fingers,  and  prepara- 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  371 

tions  for  the  Neapolitan  campaigns  were  left  to 
other  hands. 

In  vain  Gonsalvo  begged  for  reinforcements 
and  the  necessary  money  to  pay  those  companies 
already  under  his  command.  Ferdinand  had  a 
shrewd  conviction  that  his  general  was  capable, 
when  in  straits,  of  making  two  men  perform  the 
work  of  four,  and  doled  out  his  assistance  with 
niggardly  craft.  Nor  did  the  brilliant  achieve- 
ments of  his  young  Commander-in-chief,  in  the 
teeth  of  difficulties  he  himself  had  often  aggravated 
arouse  his  gratitude  or  admiration. 

"He  who  is  the  cause  of  another's  greatness," 
says  Machiavelli,  "is  himself  undone";  and  Ferdi- 
nand looked  with  suspicion  on  a  subject  so  success- 
ful and  popular  that  his  possible  disloyalty  might 
prove  a  source  of  danger  to  the  Crown.  His  own 
reputation  as  the  champion  cheat  of  Europe  was 
perhaps  unassailable;  but  it  carried  with  it  this 
penalty:  he  lived  in  mortal  terror  that  he  would 
one  day  be  cheated. 

In  extenuation  of  his  parsimony,  the  contrast 
between  his  wide  ambitions  and  small  treasury 
must  be  remembered.  Ferdinand,  like  Elizabeth 
of  England,  was  forced  to  imitate  the  careful 
housekeeper  in  making  a  little  go  a  long  way ;  and 
habitual  economy  is  a  virtue  that  often  borders 


372  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

on  vice.  Not  yet  were  the  gold  and  silver  of  South 
America  and  Mexico  pouring  in  a  rich  flood  into 
the  royal  coffers;  while  every  day  fresh  schemes 
of  government,  fresh  wars  and  discoveries  abroad, 
and  the  weaving  of  fresh  strands  of  alliance  de- 
manded monetary  support,  as  well  as  the  King's 
minute  and  unswerving  attention. 

Were  Spain  to  pause  for  a  moment  in  the  race, 
letting  Portugal  outstrip  her  in  the  Western  seas, 
or  France  suborn  her  brilliant  generals  and  entice 
away  her  allies,  she  must  inevitably  fall  behind 
into  the  second  rank  of  nations.  Thus  Ferdinand, 
straining  ever  after  a  prize,  whose  very  magnitude 
was  to  prove  his  country's  ultimate  ruin,  spun 
his  web  of  diplomacy  in  and  out  amongst  the 
Powers  of  Europe,  never  neglecting  any  opportun- 
ity that  would  draw  him  nearer  his  goal. 

In  the  case  of  Portugal,  fate  seemed  to  have 
willed  by  the  death,  first  of  Prince  Alfonso  and 
then  of  the  young  Queen  Isabel,  that  no  Aragonese 
Infanta  should  draw  closer  the  union  of  the  two 
nations;  but  in  1500  the  spell  of  tragedy  was 
broken  by  the  marriage  of  Maria,  the  sovereign's 
third  daughter,  with  the  widower  King  Emmanuel. 

One  child  alone  remained  with  Ferdinand  and 
Isabel,  Catherine  their  youngest;  and  in  the 
following  year  she  also  fulfilled  her  destiny  and 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  373 

carried  her  father's  olive-branch  to  a  northern 
home.  Born  in  December,  1485,  she  had  been  be- 
trothed almost  from  her  infancy  to  Arthur,  Prince 
of  Wales,  Henry  VII. 's  eldest  son;  and  Roger 
Machado,  on  his  visit  to  the  Spanish  Court,  did 
not  in  his  amazement  at  jewels  and  fine  clothes 
neglect  to  mention  his  future  Queen,  and  how 
beautiful  he  had  thought  her,  held  up  in  her 
mother's  arms  to  watch  a  tilting-match. 

So  firmly  settled  was  the  alliance,  grounded  on 
mutual  hatred  of  England  and  Aragon  for  France, 
that  already  at  the  early  age  of  three  the  Httle 
Infanta  was  styled  "Princess  of  Wales";  but  the 
intervening  years  before  the  iinion  could  be  real- 
ized did  not  on  this  account  pass  her  over  in 
silence.  The  correspondence  of  the  time  is  filled 
with  frequent  disputes  between  the  Catholic  sov- 
ereigns and  Henry  VII.  as  to  the  exact  financial 
value  of  their  respective  offspring;  and  the  dis- 
cussion ranged  from  Catherine's  marriage  portion 
and  the  size  of  her  household  to  the  comeliness  of 
the  ladies-in-waiting,  who  would  accompany  her; 
—the  latter  a  point  on  which  the  EngHsh  King 
laid  great  stress. 

At  length,  however,  all  was  satisfactorily  settled; 
and  Henry,  having  v/elcomed  the  bride,  could 
write   to  her  parents  that 


374  Isabel  of  Castile  U494 

although  they  could  not  see  the  gentle  face  of  their 
beloved  daughter,  they  might  be  sure  that  she  had 
found  a  second  father,  who  would  ever  watch  over 
her  happiness,  and  never  permit  her  to  want  anything 
he  could  procure  her. 

A  few  short  months  and  Arthur's  death  had  left 
the  little  Spanish  Princess,  then  not  seventeen 
years  old,  a  widow  in  a  strange  land ;  while  fatherly 
kindness  wrangled  furiously  over  the  cost  of  her 
maintenance  and  the  disposition  of  her  dowry. 
It  was  well  for  the  immediate  fortunes  of  Catherine 
of  Aragon  that  she  soon  found  a  husband  in 
Arthur's  younger  brother  Prince  Henry,  though 
perhaps,  could  she  have  read  the  future,  she  would 
have  preferred  to  decline  the  honour. 

De  Puebla,  the  Spanish  Ambassador  entrusted 
by  Ferdinand  with  the  greater  part  of  the  marriage 
negotiations,  had  also  tried  his  hand  during  the 
years  that  he  resided  in  England,  at  enticing  the 
King  of  Scotland  into  the  anti-French  web.  The 
friendship  between  France  and  Scotland  was  of 
ancient  date;  but  De  Puebla  felt  that  the  offer  of 
a  royal  bride  from  the  Spanish  Court  would  make 
a  deep  impression  on  King  James's  susceptible 
vanity,  and  since,  at  the  date  when  this  idea 
occurred  to  him,  all  the  Spanish  Infantas  were 
either  married  or  betrothed,  he  suggested  instead 


IS041  The  Italian  Wars  375 

Dona  Juana,  one  of  Ferdinand's  illegitimate  daugh- 
ters, concealing  as  he  believed  with  considerable 
statesmanship  the  fact  of  the  bar  sinister.  Ferdi- 
nand, when  he  heard  of  it,  was  most  contemptuous. 
Such  a  deception,  he  wrote,  could  not  possibly  be 
maintained  and  therefore  was  not  worth  the  lie. 
Let  De  Puebla,  on  the  other  hand,  hold  out  false 
hopes  if  he  could  of  one  of  the  real  Princesses,  and 
by  this  bait  induce  the  Scottish  monarch  to 
quarrel  with  France.  Even  moderate  success  in 
this  strategy  would  prove  of  considerable  value. 
James  IV.  did  not  marry  a  Spanish  Princess 
but  Catherine  of  Aragon's  sister-in-law  Margaret 
Tudor;  and  what  harm  he  might  inflict  on  Spain 
and  her  Allies  in  French  interests  was  a  mere 
pin-prick  to  the  stab  administered  by  Ferdinand's 
immediate  family.  On  the  death  of  Prince  Miguel 
in  July,  1500,  Joanna,  Archduchess  of  Austria,  be- 
came heiress  to  the  throne  of  Castile  and  Aragon ; 
and,  though  there  was  cause  for  rejoicing  that  a 
son  had  been  bom  to  her  early  in  the  same  year 
and  thus  the  succession  was  assured,  yet  the 
situation  arising  from  the  new  importance  of  her 
position  tended  every  day  to  grow  more  critical. 
Joanna  and  her  husband  had  been  from  the  first 
an  ill-matched  pair,  his  light  careless  nature  acting 
like  a  spark  to  fire  the  mine  of  her  sullen  temper 


376  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

and  quick  jealousy;  and  his  faithlessness  and  her 
lack  of  self-control  combined  to  keep  the  Flemish 
Court  in  a  perpetual  flame  of  scandal. 

Had  they  been  merely  private  individuals,  the 
evil  effects  of  their  passions  might  have  spread  no 
further  than  the  street  or  town  in  which  they  lived ; 
but  unfortunately  Joanna  had  gone  to  Flanders 
not  merely  as  a  bride  but  as  an  agent  to  influence 
her  husband's  policy  in  her  father's  favour,  and 
the  odium  and  exasperation  her  behaviour  aroused 
reacted  to  the  detriment  of  Spain.  Philip  had 
nothing  in  common  with  the  Castilian  race.  Their 
pride  irritated  him,  their  deep  religious  feeling 
awoke  his  incredulity,  their  sense  of  reverence 
and  gravity  a  flippant  scorn  and  boredom,  that 
his  selfishness  found  it  difficult  to  disguise.  Per- 
sonal tastes  inclined  him  rather  to  the  volatile, 
easy-mannered  Frenchman;  and,  as  domestic  dif- 
ferences increased,  so  also  did  his  dislike  for  the 
Aragonese  and  sympathy  with  their  enemies. 

"The  French  rule  everything,"  wrote  Fuen- 
salida,  the  Spanish  Ambassador  at  the  Archduke's 
Court  despairingly.  "They  alone  surround  him 
and  entice  him  from  feast  to  feast,  from  mistress 
to  mivStress." 

Fuensalida  suggested  that  Philip  and  his  wife 
should  be  induced   to   visit   Castile  as  soon  as 


TILTING   ARMOUR   OF    PHILIP   THE    FAIR 

FROM    "  SPANISH   ARMS   AND   ARMOUR  " 
REPROOUCED   BY  COURTESY   OF   THE   AUTHOS,    MR.    A,    F.    CALVERT 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  377 

possible,  before  the  evil  habits  into  which  the 
Archduke  had  fallen  took  permanent  hold  of  him; 
and  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  warmly  seconded  this 
idea.  Their  son-in-law's  behaviour  had  been 
scandalous;  but  their  daughter's  conduct  caused 
them  if  anything  more  uneasiness.  At  times  full 
of  loving  memories  of  her  old  home,  so  that  she 
confessed  ' '  she  could  not  think  of  her  mother  and 
how  far  she  was  separated  from  her  for  ever  without 
shedding  tears,"  Joanna,  on  other  occasions,  was 
taciturn  or  even  defiant  when  approached  by 
special  emissaries  from  Spain.  Their  questions 
she  met  by  silence,  their  allusions  to  her  parents 
or  to  the  religious  enthusiasm  that  had  stirred  her 
youth,  by  indifference.  It  seemed  that  jealousy 
and  wounded  pride  could  in  a  moment  slip  like  a 
dark  curtain  across  her  mind  and  blot  out  all  save 
a  brooding  fury  at  her  wrongs. 

The  mental  balance,  once  a  flaw  has  shaken  its 
equilibrium,  is  of  all  scales  the  most  difficult  to 
adjust;  and  Isabel's  hopes  that  a  personal  super- 
vision of  her  daughter  would  effect  a  cure  were 
doomed  to  disappointment.  Philip  and  Joanna 
came  to  Spain  in  1502;  but  their  presence  was  an 
unwilling  acknowledgment  that  custom  required 
their  recognition  as  Prince  and  Princess  of  Castile 
by  the  national  Cortes.    That  business  concluded, 


378  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

the  Archduke  was  fully  determined  to  return  to 
his  own  land,  if  possible  as  he  had  come  by  way  of 
France,  for  the  reception  he  had  been  accorded 
in  Paris  made  him  eager  to  renew  its  delights. 

It  was  his  ambition  that  his  son,  Charles,  heir 
not  only  of  his  Austrian  archduchy  and  county  of 
Flanders  but  of  all  the  wide  dominions  of  Spain, 
should  marry  Claude,  the  infant  daughter  of  Louis 
XII.,  a  scheme  of  alliance  by  which  he  himself 
would  be  enabled  to  pose  as  the  arbiter  of  Eu- 
ropean politics,  adjudicating  between  the  two  great 
rival  nations  with  whom  he  had  formed  connec* 
tions.  Ferdinand  might  be  pardoned  if  he  re- 
garded the  Archduke  somewhat  dubiously  in  the 
proposed  role;  and  indeed  quarrels  over  the  terms 
of  the  Partition  Treaty  and  the  subsequent  war  in 
Naples  were  soon  to  wreck  the  would-be  arbitra- 
tor's hopes.  Yet,  even  before  this  failure  was 
assured,  mutual  suspicion  had  thrown  a  restraint 
over  the  intercourse  of  father-in-law  and  son-in- 
law,  and  had  even  poisoned  the  relations  between 
Isabel  and  her  daughter. 

Joanna  was  well  aware  of  her  husband's  inten- 
tion of  leaving  Spain  at  the  first  possible  moment ; 
but  she  herself  was  expecting  a  child  and  knew 
the  long  journey  would  be  beyond  her  powers. 
The  thought  that  Philip  would  leave  her  behind, 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  379 

intensified  by  the  fear  that  he  would  do  so  with 
keener  pleasure  than  regret,  assumed  in  her  dis- 
ordered brain  the  monstrous  proportions  of  a  plot 
to  keep  her  a  prisoner  in  Castile.  In  vain  she 
entreated  him  to  stay  until  she  should  be  well 
enough  to  accompany  him;  the  Archduke,  his 
ambition  once  satisfied  by  the  homage  of  the 
Cortes  of  Toledo  and  of  Saragossa,  impatiently 
counted  the  days  until  he  could  cross  the  French 
border,  and  all  the  Catholic  sovereigns'  efforts 
to  entertain  him  failed  dismally. 

In  December,  1502,  he  left  Madrid;  and  Joanna, 
at  his  going,  sank  into  a  mood  of  sullen  despond- 
ency from  which  even  the  birth  of  her  son,  Ferdi- 
nand, in  March  of  the  following  year,  could  not 
rouse  her.  At  length  she  received  a  letter  from 
Philip  suggesting  her  return  to  Flanders;  but 
war  had  broken  out  between  France  and  Spain, 
making  the  journey,  if  not  impossible,  at  least 
fraught  with  danger. 

Ferdinand  was  with  his  army  in  Roussillon, 
and  Isabel  who  was  ill  in  Segovia  sent  imploring 
messages  to  her  daughter  at  Medina  del  Campo, 
begging  her  to  do  nothing  rash.  Joanna  was 
however  obsessed  by  the  notion  that  she  was  the 
victim  of  a  plot,  and  in  her  passionate  desire  to 
escape  from  Spain  was  deaf  to  warnings  and  peti- 


38o  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

tions.  One  evening,  lightly  clad  and  followed  by 
her  scared  attendants,  she  started  on  foot  from 
the  castle  and  was  only  prevented  from  leaving 
the  city  by  the  Bishop  of  Burgos,  who  had  been 
placed  by  the  Queen  in  charge  of  her  household 
and  who  gave  orders  that  the  gates  should  be 
closed.  The  Archduchess  commanded  that  they 
should  be  opened,  and  even  descended  to  prayers 
and  entreaties,  when  she  found  her  authority  was 
of  no  avail;  to  all  the  Bishop's  persuasions  that 
she  should  return  home  she  replied  by  an  uncom- 
promising refusal.  Through  the  long  night,  in  the 
darkness  and  the  cold,  she  maintained  her  vigil; 
and  when  messengers  arrived  from  Segovia  the 
next  day,  begging  her  in  her  mother's  name  to 
resist  from  her  project,  she  would  only  consent  to 
move  into  a  poor  hovel  hard  by  the  gates. 

On  the  second  evening,  Isabel,  who  had  dragged 
herself  from  her  sick-bed  at  the  tale  of  her  daugh- 
ter's mad  folly,  appeared  in  Medina  del  Campo; 
but  Joanna  at  first  greeted  her  with  reproaches  and 
anger,  "  speaking"  wrote  the  Queen  in  her  accoimt 
of  the  interview  to  Fuensalida,  "so  disrespectfully 
and  so  little  as  a  child  should  address  her  mother, 
that  if  I  had  not  seen  the  state  of  mind  she  was  in, 
I  would  not  have  suffered  it  for  a  moment." 

In  the  end  Joanna's  stubborn  obstinacy  was 


JOANNA    "THE    MAD,"    DAUGHTER    OF   QUEEN    ISABEL 
FROM    "  HJSTORIA   DE   LA   VILLA   Y   CORTE   DE   MADRID  ••    BY   AMADOR   DE   LOS   RIOS 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  381 

conquered,  and  she  returned  to  the  castle;  but 
after  such  a  scene  few  could  doubt  that  she  was  at 
any  rate  temporarily  insane;  and  the  Queen,  con- 
scious that  her  own  days  were  drawing  to  a  close, 
trembled  at  the  thought  of  her  country's  future, 
delivered  to  the  moods  of  such  a  ruler. 

"Cursed  fruit  of  the  tree  that  bore  her;  ill-fated 
seed  of  the  land  that  gave  her  birth,  was  this 
daughter  for  her  mother,"  wrote  Peter  Martyr 
bitterly;  and  Isabel's  star,  which  had  risen  in  such 
splendour  out  of  the  murk  of  Henry  IV. 's  mis- 
government,  was  destined  to  sink  amid  the  shame 
of  Joanna's  folly. 

In  the  spring  of  1504  the  Archduchess  sailed 
to  Flanders;  and  Queen  Isabel,  guessing  the  scan- 
dals that  would  follow  her  footsteps  when  her  own 
restraining  influence  was  removed,  said  good-bye 
to  her  with  a  sick  heart.  Feeble  in  body,  so  that 
every  task  seemed  an  effort,  she  herself  turned 
more  and  more  from  worldly  matters  to  the  prayers 
and  meditations  that  drew  her  ever  closer  in 
touch  with  the  land  of  her  desire  towards  which 
she  was  hastening.  Yet  neither  her  kingdom  nor 
people  were  far  from  her  thoughts. 

In  1503,  when  Ferdinand  had  gone  north  to 
protect  the  border  counties  from  what  was 
rumoured  to  be  an  enormous  invading  army,  her 


382  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

old  martial  spirit  had  revived;  and  she  busied 
herself  in  Segovia,  as  in  the  old  days,  in  collecting 
troops  and  despatching  them  to  the  seat  of  war. 
With  the  news  of  Spanish  victories  her  conscience 
smote  her.  The  flying  French !  These  also  were  a 
Christian  race,  fighting  for  their  own  land.  Re- 
coiling from  the  thought  of  such  a  slaughter,  she 
wrote  to  Ferdinand,  praying  him  to  stay  his  hand; 
and,  whether  moved  by  her  wish  or  his  own  fore- 
sight, he  contented  himself  with  driving  his  foes 
across  the  border.  Soon  afterwards  Louis  XII. 
agreed  to  an  armistice  that  freed  the  Pyrenean 
provinces  from  war. 

Triumph  in  the  north  of  Spain  was  followed  by 
the  news  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova's  victories  in 
Naples;  but  joy  at  these  successes  was  counter- 
balanced by  the  serious  state  of  the  Queen's 
health.  She  and  Ferdinand  had  fallen  ill  of  fever 
in  Medina  del  Campo  in  the  summer  of  1504; 
and,  while  his  constitution  rallied  from  the  attack, 
anxiety  for  him  and  her  own  weakness  aggravated 
her  symptoms,  and  it  was  feared  that  these  would 
end  in  dropsy. 

"We  sit  sorrowful  in  the  palace  all  the  day 
long,"  wrote  Peter  Martyr  early  in  the  autumn, 
"tremulously  waiting  the  hour  when  religion  and 
virtue  shall  quit  the  earth  with  her. " 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  383 

Isabel  herself  knew  the  end  was  not  far  off, 
and  bade  those  about  her  restrain  their  tears. 
When  she  heard  of  the  processions  and  pilgrimages 
made  throughout  the  kingdom  in  the  hope  of 
restoring  her  to  health  she  asked  that  her  subjects 
should  pray  "not  for  the  safety  of  her  life  but  the 
salvation  of  her  soul. " 

On  the  1 2th  of  October  she  signed  her  will, 
commanding  in  it  that  her  body  should  be  taken 
to  Granada,  and  there  buried  without  ostentation 
in  a  humble  tomb.  The  money  that  would  have 
provided  an  elaborate  funeral  was  to  be  spent  on 
dowries  for  twelve  poor  girls  and  the  ransom  of 
Christian  captives  in  Africa. 

The  poverty  of  the  Castilian  treasury,  in  con- 
trast to  its  heavy  expenses,  evidently  weighed  on 
her  mind ;  and  she  gave  orders  that  the  number  of 
officials  in  the  royal  household  should  be  reduced, 
and  gifts  of  lands  and  revenues,  that  had  been 
alienated  by  the  Crown  without  sufficient  cause, 
revoked.  Her  jewels  she  left  to  Ferdinand,  that 
"seeing  them,"  she  said,  "he  may  be  reminded  of 
the  singular  love  I  always  bore  him  while  living, 
and  that  now  I  am  waiting  for  him  in  a  better 
world." 

The  future  government  of  the  kingdom  was  her 
special  care;  and  in  her  will,  and  its  codicil  added 


384  Isabel  of  Castile  [1494- 

in  November,  while  acknowledging  Joanna  as  her 
successor,  she  begged  both  her  and  Philip  "to  be 
always  obedient  subjects  to  the  King,  and  never 
disobey  his  orders."  This  injunction  was  ampli- 
fied by  the  command  that  if  Joanna  should  be 
absent  from  Spain,  "or  although  present  .  .  . 
unable  to  reign  and  govern,"  Ferdinand  should 
act  as  regent,  until  his  grandson  Charles  was  of 
an  age  to  undertake  this  task  for  himself. 

Such  were  the  most  important  clauses  of  the 
document,  by  which  Isabel  strove  to  safeguard 
her  loved  Castile  from  the  dangers  threatening  her. 
In  others,  she  insisted  that  Gibraltar,  which  she 
had  acquired  for  the  Crown  should  never  be 
alienated  from  it;  that  her  daughter  and  son-in- 
law  should  not  appoint  foreigners  to  any  office  or 
post  of  trust,  that  the  tax  of  the  alcabala,^  if 
found  illegal  on  inquiry,  should  be  abolished;  that 
a  new  and  more  accurate  code  of  laws  should  be 
compiled ;  and  that  steps  should  be  taken  to  secui-e 
the  kindly  treatment  of  natives  in  the  New  World. 
It  will  be  seen  that  Isabel  in  her  last  days  was  still 
the  ruler,  holding  in  her  now  feeble  hands  all  the 
threads  of  national  government,  but  clear  in  mind 
to  recognize  and  command  the  issues. 

On  November  26th  ^  the  end  so  long  expected 

•See  page  394.  ^ Peter  Martyr  says  November  226. 


CODICIL   TO    ISABEL'S   WILL,    WITH    HER   SIGNATURE 

FROM    LAFUENTE'S    "  HISTORIA  GENERAL   OE    ESPANA,"    VOL.    VM. 


1504]  The  Italian  Wars  385 

came;  and,  having  received  the  Sacraments  and 
commended  her  soul  to  God,  the  Queen,  clad  in 
a  Franciscan  robe,  passed  peacefully  away. 

My  hand  [says  Peter  Martyr]  falls  powerless  by  my 
side  for  very  sorrow.  The  world  has  lost  its  noblest 
ornament  .  .  .  for  she  was  the  mirror  of  every  virtue, 
the  shield  of  the  innocent,  and  an  avenging  sword  to 
the  wicked. 

It  has  pleased  Our  Lord  [wrote  Ferdinand  to  the 
chief  citizens  of  Madrid]  to  take  to  Himself  the  Most 
Serene  Queen  Dona  Isabel,  my  very  dear  and  well- 
beloved  wife;  and  although  her  loss  is  for  me  the 
greatest  heaviness  that  this  world  held  in  store  .  .  . 
yet,  seeing  that  her  death  was  as  holy  and  catholic 
as  her  life,  we  may  believe  that  Our  Lord  has  received 
her  into  His  glory,  that  is  a  greater  and  more  lasting 
kingdom  than  any  here  on  earth. 

The  day  after  her  death,  the  coffin  with  its  funeral 
cortege  left  Medina  del  Campo  for  Granada,  amid  a 
hurricane  of  wind  and  rain  such  as  the  land  had 
rarely  witnessed.  Peter  Martyr,  who  was  one  of 
the  escort,  declared  that  the  Heavens  opened,  pour- 
ing down  torrents  that  drove  the  horsemen  to  shelter 
in  the  ditches  by  the  wayside,  while  the  mules  sank 
exhausted  and  terrified  in  the  road.  Never  for  a 
moment  was  there  a  gleam  of  either  sun  or  star, 
until  on  December  25th,  as  the  funeral  procession 
entered  Granada,  the  clouds  lifted  for  the  first  time. 

25 


386  Isabel  of  Castile         [1494-1504] 

There  in  the  city  of  her  triumph,  in  the  Francis- 
can monastery  of  the  Alhambra,  the  very  heart 
of  the  kingdom  she  had  won  for  Christianity, 
Isabel  of  Castile  was  laid  to  rest. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

CASTILIAN  LITERATURE 

"  ISABEL'S  death,"  says  Butler  Clarke,  "marks 
•^  the  beginning  of  a  period  of  anarchy. " 
The  peace  that  she  had  done  so  much  to  promote 
and  that  her  presence  had  insured  was  threatened 
by  the  incapacity  of  her  successor,  and  by  the 
restless  rivalry  of  the  Archduke  Philip  and  his 
father-in-law.  Prescott  describes  Isabel  as  "  Ferdi- 
nand's good  genius,"  and  her  loss  was  to  make 
obvious  to  the  Castilians  his  less  attractive  side, — 
the  suspicion,  and  want  of  faith  and  generosity, 
that  during  their  joint  rule  her  more  kingly  quali- 
ties had  tended  to  disguise.  The  old  feeling  against 
him  as  a  foreigner,  which  his  personal  valour  in 
the  Moorish  war  had  partly  obliterated,  now  re- 
appeared and  was  intensified  by  disgust  at  his 
prompt  remarriage.  Ferdinand  was  not  in  the 
least  sentimental,  and  thus  failed  to  take  into 
account  the  large  part  played  by  sentiment  in 
national   history.      The   fact    that   he   regretted 

387 


388  Isabel  of  Castile 

Isabel's  death  would  have  struck  him  as  a  foolish 
reason  for  missing  any  advantage  that  unfortunate 
occurrence  might  afford,  and  he  re-entered  the 
matrimonial  market  with  great  promptitude. 

He  was  now  fifty-three  and  the  bride  selected 
by  him  a  girl  of  eighteen,  Germaine  de  Foix,  a 
daughter  ot  the  Count  of  Narbonne,  who  with  her 
brother  Gaston  represented  the  younger  branch 
of  the  House  of  Navarre.  Such  a  union  was 
naturally  attractive  to  Aragonese  ambitions,  ever 
watchful  to  establish  dynastic  links  with  that 
northern  kingdom,  though  at  the  moment  as  it 
happened  the  Navarrese  connection  was  of  merely 
secondary  importance.  Germaine  de  Foix  was  a 
niece  of  Louis  XH.,  and  by  his  marriage  with  her 
(October,  1505)  Ferdinand  succeeded  in  breaking 
the  dangerous  combination  of  France  and  Flanders 
that  might  otherwise  have  proved  his  ruin. 

By  no  arguments  on  his  part,  however  subtle, 
could  he  evade  Joanna's  right  of  succession  to  the 
Castilian  throne;  yet  in  her  state  of  mental  weak- 
ness its  acknowledgment  handed  over  the  practical 
control  of  public  affairs  to  her  King-Consort;  and 
with  the  Archduke  Philip  established  as  a  hostile 
element  in  Castile,  and  Louis  XH.  an  enemy 
hovering  on  the  Pyrenees,  Aragon  and  her  King 
would  have  fared  ill  indeed. 


-'^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 

^^PpclJBPyp|y 

'^^^^H 

i^^^^g^**^ 

FERDINAND    OF   ARAGON 
CARVED  WOODEN   STATUE   FROM   CATHEDRAL   AT   MALAGA 


Castilian  Literature  389 

Ferdinand's  marriage  relieved  the  immediate 
tension  of  such  a  possibility ;  but  its  achievement 
courted  even  greater  national  disaster.  The  birth 
of  a  son  could  only  mean  the  destruction  of  the 
union  between  Castile  and  Aragon,  on  which  the 
foundations  of  Spanish  empire  had  been  laid; 
while  by  the  terms  of  the  marriage  treaty  Ferdi- 
nand also  risked  the  dismemberment  of  his  own 
dominions.  Louis  XII.  was  wilHng  to  cede  as 
dowry  for  his  niece  the  rights  over  Naples  which 
he  had  failed  to  maintain  by  force  of  arms;  but 
the  price  he  demanded  in  return  was  the  restora- 
tion of  that  half  of  the  Kingdom  which  was 
guaranteed  to  him  by  the  original  Partition  Treaty, 
should  Germaine  and  the  Spanish  monarch  have 
no  heirs. 

This  bargain  made  and  cemented  by  large  quan- 
tities of  Spanish  gold  to  indemnify  Louis  for  the 
expenses  to  which  he  had  been  put  during  the 
Neapolitan  wars,  the  French  King  proceeded  to 
forbid  the  Archduke  and  Joanna  a  passage  through 
France,  until  they  had  arrived  at  some  amicable 
understanding  with  Ferdinand  as  to  the  future 
government  of  their  kingdom.  Philip,  seeing  him- 
self outwitted,  sulkily  complied,  and,  in  the  Treaty 
of  Salamanca  (signed  in  November,  1505)  agreed 
that  he,  his  wife,  and  father-in-law  should  "jointly 


390  Isabel  of  Castile 

govern  and  administer  Castile,"  Ferdinand  re- 
ceiving one  half  of  the  public  revenues. 

The  peace  thus  extorted  by  circumstances  was 
never  intended  to  be  kept;  and,  from  the  moment 
that  the  new  King  and  Queen  of  Castile  put  foot 
in  their  land,  they  did  their  uttermost  to  encourage 
the  growing  opposition  to  Aragonese  interference. 
Ferdinand,  thwarted  and  ignored  by  his  son-in- 
law  and  deserted  by  the  CastiUans,  at  length 
departed  in  dudgeon  to  visit  the  kingdom  that 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  had  won  for  him  in  Naples; 
but  it  was  not  destined  that  the  work  to  which  he 
and  Isabel  had  given  the  greater  part  of  their 
lives  should  come  to  nought.  In  the  autumn  of 
1506  the  Archduke  Philip  died  at  Burgos;  and 
Joanna,  sunk  in  one  of  her  moods  of  morbid 
lethargy,  referred  those  of  her  subjects,  who  would 
have  persuaded  her  to  rule  for  herself,  to  Ferdi- 
nand's authority. 

From  July,  1507,  when  Ferdinand  returned  to 
Spain,  till  his  death  in  January,  15 16,  he  governed 
Castile  as  regent;  while  the  loss  of  the  only  child 
bom  to  him  of  his  union  with  Germaine  de  Foix 
preserved  his  dominions  intact  for  "Joanna  the 
Mad"  and  her  eldest-born,  the  future  Emperor 
Charles  V.  Naples,  it  is  true,  by  the  terms  of  his 
second   marriage   treaty   should  have  been   once 


Castilian  Literature  391 

more  divided  with  the  French  Crown;  but  the 
Catholic  King  was  to  reap  the  reward  of  loyalty 
to  the  Holy  See,  and  received  a  papal  dispensation 
from  the  fulfilment  of  his  inconvenient  pledge. 

Victories  on  the  North  African  coast  against 
Barbary  pirates  and  the  conquest  of  Southern 
Navarre  closed  his  days  in  a  halo  of  glory ;  and  he 
passed  to  his  final  resting-place  beside  Isabel  in 
the  Royal  Chapel  at  Granada  regretted  even  by 
the  Castilians  and  mourned  by  the  Aragonese  as 
their ' '  last  King. ' '  Henceforth  Spain  was  to  be  one 
and  undivided. 

"No  reproach  attaches  to  him,"  says  Guicciar- 
dini  of  Ferdinand,  "save  his  lack  of  generosity  and 
faithlessness  to  his  word."  Peter  Martyr  declares 
that  "contrary  to  the  belief  of  all  men  he  died 
poor."  Like  Henry  VH.  of  England  he  had  been 
quick  to  lay  hands  on  wealth,  doling  it  out  to 
others  with  the  grudging  reluctance  of  the  miser; 
but  the  exhausted  treasury  he  left  showed  that  his 
main  inspiration  had  been  economy  not  avarice. 
His  ambitions  had  been  expensive,  and  Spain  was 
to  pay  heavily  both  in  money  and  the  more 
precious  coin  of  human  life;  but  the  fact  that  she 
could  afford  to  enter  the  great  national  struggle 
with  France  at  all  marks  the  economic  transforma- 
tion that  had  taken  place  since  the  days  of  Henry 


392  Isabel  of  Castile 

IV.  of  Castile.  She  had  passed  from  industrial 
infancy  to  prosperity  and  an  assured  commercial 
position;  her  population  had  increased;  peace 
at  home  had  given  her  financial  security ;  while  as 
the  depot  for  European  trade  with  the  New  Worid 
vistas  of  profit  opened  before  her. 

The  Catholic  sovereigns  were  not  blind  to  this 
great  future,  and  the  legislation  of  their  reign 
dealt  largely  with  measures  for  fostering  national 
industries.  If  such  protection  was  often  misguided 
it  was  like  the  over-anxious  care  of  a  mother,  that 
may  be  as  dangerous  to  a  child's  welfare  as  the 
opposite  vice  of  neglect.  Each  age  has  its  theories 
of  political  economy  and  looks  back  with  superior 
contempt  on  the  failings  of  its  predecessors.  To 
twentieth-century  eyes  the  economic  outlook  of 
the  fifteenth  is  often  exasperatingly  foolish;  yet 
in  the  days  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  it  appeared 
the  height  of  wisdom,  and  efforts  to  put  it  into 
practice  were  eagerly  demanded  by  the  Cortes. 
Industry,  it  was  felt,  must  be  wrapped  in  the 
cotton- wool  of  a  myriad  restrictions;  it  must  be 
artificially  nourished  and  subjected  to  constant 
supervision  and  interference,  or  it  would  die  of 
exposure  to  the  rough-and-tumble  of  competition. 
That  industrial  death  might  be  sometimes  due  to 
sheer  weariness  of  hfe  in  intolerable  fetters  was 


GRANADA   CATHEDRAL,    ROYAL  CHAPEL,    TOMB   OF   FERDINAND   AND    ISABEL 

FROM    A   PHOTOGRAPH    BY   LACQSTE,    MADRID 


Castilian  Literature  393 

a  diagnosis  of  which  no  mediaeval  economist  would 
ever  have  dreamt;  and  Ferdinand  and  Isabel 
firmly  believed  that  their  paternal  legislation  must 
prove  a  panacea  for  every  public  ill. 

Low  prices  demanded  a  cheap  labour-market, 
therefore  the  obvious  step  was  to  fix  a  maximum 
wage  for  the  worker,  that  he  might  not  hope  to 
exceed  however  worthy  of  his  hire.  Cheap  labour 
must  live,  therefore  a  maximum  price  must  be 
placed  on  com  that  the  wage-earner  might  be 
enabled  to  buy  bread.  Were  grain  grown  for 
neighbourly  love  not  a  profit,  this  solution  of  an 
almost  universal  difficulty  might  have  succeeded; 
but  agriculture  was  never  popular  in  Castile,  and 
such  arbitrary  dealings  tended  to  depress  it  still 
further. 

Farmers  turned  for  their  profit  to  the  produc- 
tion of  wine  or  oil,  or  with  a  still  keener  eye  to 
business  devoted  their  energies  to  sheep  or  cattle 
breeding.  This  was  the  staple  industry  of  rural 
districts,  so  extensive  and  flourishing  that  in  the 
fourteenth  century  it  had  established  a  kind  of 
trades-union,  or  mesta  to  look  after  its  inter- 
ests and  secure  it  privileges.  During  the  winter 
months  the  cattle  fed  at  will  on  the  wide  table- 
lands of  Castile;  but  with  the  coming  of  summer 
their  owners  drove  them  to  pasture  in  mountain 


394  Isabel  of  Castile 

districts  such  as  Leon  and  Galicia.  It  was  on 
these  journeys  to  and  fro  that  agriculture  and 
grazing  came  into  conflict;  for  where  the  herds 
had  passed  they  left  a  wilderness.  Legislation 
indeed  forbade  the  trampling  down  of  vineyards 
and  of  meadows  of  corn  or  hay,  but  compensation 
for  these  damages  was  difficult  to  obtain  from  a 
corporation  so  powerful  that  it  had  won  for  itself 
a  large  measure  of  royal  protection.  Tolls  paid 
on  the  migratory  cattle  formed  a  considerable  part 
of  the  public  revenue;  and  kings  of  Castile  had 
thus  been  persuaded  to  foster  a  trade  so  lucrative 
to  their  own  pockets,  granting  graziers  not  only 
immunity  from  certain  imposts  but  also  special 
rights  with  regard  to  wood-cutting  and  the  freedom 
of  the  regular  cattle-tracks  from  any  enclosure 
or  limitation.  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  renewed  these 
privileges  and  in  1500  placed  a  member  of  the 
Royal  Council  at  the  head  of  the  mesta,  bring- 
ing that  important  body  under  their  immediate 
control. 

If  the  laws  of  the  maximum  and  the  protection 
of  rival  industries  hit  agriculture  hard,  so  also  did 
the  alcabala,  a  tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  the  sale-price 
of  all  goods.  Originally  imposed  as  a  temporary 
means  of  raising  money,  it  had  become  one  of  the 
main   sources  of  the   sovereigns'  revenues,  and, 


Castilian  Literature  395 

while  it  burdened  every  commercial  transaction, 
laid  a  triple  charge  on  com  in  the  form  first  of  grain 
and  then  of  meal  and  bread. 

The  alcabala  has  been  described  by  a  modem 
historian  as  "one  of  the  most  successful  means 
ever  devised  by  a  government  for  shackling  the 
industry  and  enterprise  of  its  subjects  " ;  and  Queen 
Isabel  herself  seems  to  have  realized  its  blighting 
nature,  for,  in  1494,  she  agreed,  on  Ximenes's 
advice,  to  commute  it  in  the  case  of  certain  towns 
for  a  fixed  sum  to  be  levied  by  the  municipality. 
Even  so,  the  question  of  its  legality  still  troubled 
her  conscience;  but  the  request  in  her  will  that  a 
special  committee  should  collect  evidence  and 
decide  the  matter  justly  was,  like  her  kindly 
thought  for  the  Indians  of  the  New  World,  after- 
wards disregarded. 

Perhaps  it  may  be  asked  how,  under  such 
adverse  circumstances  agriculture  survived  at  all; 
yet  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century 
Castile  was  not  only  growing  sufficient  corn  for  her 
own  needs  but  even  exporting  it  to  the  rest  of  the 
peninsula.  The  explanation  lies  in  a  comparison 
not  with  the  gigantic  production  of  modern  times, 
but  with  the  preceding  age,  when  the  scorching 
breath  of  anarchy  had  withered  the  fields.  The 
government  of  Queen  Isabel's  reign,  if  it  favoured 


396  Isabel  of  Castile 

the  more  popular  cattle-trade,  at  least  protected 
the  farmer  and  labourer  from  pillage;  while,  by 
forbidding  the  tolls  which,  during  Henry  IV. 's  mis- 
rule, territorial  lords  had  levied  at  will  at  every 
river-ford  and  turn  of  the  road,  it  gave  a  sudden 
freedom  to  the  circulation  of  com  as  well  as  of 
other  merchandise.  Even  more  effective  was  the 
abolition  in  1480  of  the  export  duty  on  grain, 
cattle,  and  goods  passing  from  Castile  to  Aragon, 
whereby  the  cornfields  of  Murcia  were  enabled 
to  compete  with  its  grazing  lands,  until  at  length 
a  series  of  bad  harvests  restored  the  old  predomi- 
nance of  the  live-stock  industry. 

The  real  decline  of  agriculture,  like  that  of 
industry,  was  to  set  in  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century  under  Isabel's  great-grandson.  The  reign 
of  the  Catholic  sovereigns  and  the  early  years  of 
Charles  V.  stand  out  as  a  golden  age  of  commercial 
prosperity.  The  production  of  wool  and  silk  in- 
creased almost  tenfold ;  the  fairs  drew  foreign  mer- 
chants from  every  part  of  Europe;  while  Flemish 
and  Italian  artisans,  attracted  by  an  offer  of  ten 
years'  freedom  from  taxation,  settled  in  the  large 
towns  to  pursue  and  teach  their  handicrafts. 

The  numberless  pragmaticas,  or  royal  proclama- 
tions and  ordinances,  issued  at  this  time  show  how 
vigilant  was  Ferdinand  and  Isabel's  interest  in  all 


BURGOS   CATHEDRAL 

FROM   A   PHOTOGRAPH   BY   LACOSTE,    MAORID 


Castilian  Literature  397 

that  concerned  the  welfare  of  their  land.  In  i486 
the  cloth-workers  of  Murcia  complained  that  their 
trade  was  being  killed  by  external  competition; 
their  looms  stood  idle,  and  whereas  50,000  sheep 
had  been  needed  in  old  days  to  provide  them  with 
wool,  now  only  some  8000  grazed  in  their  meadows. 
The  response  to  their  petition  was  a  command  that 
for  two  years  no  woollen  fabrics  should  enter 
Murcia;  while  the  import  of  silk  thread  from 
Naples,  that  threatened  the  silk  industry  of  Gra- 
nada, was  similarly  forbidden.  These  are  only 
two  instances  of  measures  that  ranged  from  award- 
ing bounties  to  owners  of  ships  of  six  hundred  tons 
and  upwards  by  way  of  encouraging  navigation  to 
minute  instructions  as  to  shoes,  hats,  embroideries, 
and  armour. 

Much  of  this  scheme  of  protection  was  well- 
considered  and  beneficial.  Since  merchant  ships 
were  liable  to  be  impressed  in  time  of  war,  the 
navy,  once  almost  negligible,  throve  rapidly  on 
the  royal  preference  shown  to  large  vessels,  and 
also  owing  to  a  law  commanding  that  no  goods 
should  be  shipped  in  a  foreign  craft  while  there 
was  a  Spanish  boat  in  the  harbour.  The  small 
merchantmen  suffered  of  course ;  but  the  squadron 
that  the  sovereigns  dispatched  to  Flanders  with 
the  Infanta  Joanna  in  1496  presented  the  proud 


398  Isabel  of  Castile 

array  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  vessels  containing 
some  two  thousand  souls. 

Legislation  usually  has  its  dark  side;  and  the 
sovereigns'  efforts  to  establish  the  commercial 
progress  of  their  land  on  a  sound  basis  were 
vitiated  by  the  theory  which  they  shared  with 
their  age  that  precious  metals  are  not  merely  a 
convenient  medium  of  exchange  but  an  object  of 
value  in  themselves.  The  lust  of  gold  had  been  the 
curse  that  Columbus  carried  with  him  to  the 
New  World  to  corrupt  his  earthly  paradise,  blind- 
ing the  settlers  to  the  true  wealth  of  its  soil.  It 
was  to  be  the  curse  also  of  Spain,  where  the  glitter 
of  bars  and  ingots  was  to  draw  men  away  from  the 
humbler  yet  necessary  occupation  of  a  life  in  the 
fields  to  adventure  their  fortunes  across  the  ocean, 
or  to  overcrowd  the  streets  of  Seville,  the  home 
market  of  the  Western  Continent. 

"Gold"  and  "ever  more  gold"  was  the  popular 
cry;  and  Ferdinand  and  Isabel,  in  their  eagerness 
that  their  new  discovery  should  not  enrich  other 
nations,  passed  stringent  laws  forbidding  the  ex- 
port of  precious  metals.  The  Spanish  merchant, 
at  the  home  frontier  or  harbour,  must  state  from 
what  locality  he  came,  where  he  was  going,  and 
for  how  long,  and  how  much  coin  he  had  with  him; 
— his  answers  being  written  down  and  signed  in  the 


Castilian  Literature  399 

presence  of  three  witnesses,  that  any  subterfuge 
might  afterwards  be  confuted.  The  foreign  mer- 
chant had  not  even  this  indulgence.  In  exchange 
for  what  he  imported  from  his  own  country  he 
must  take  back  neither  coin  nor  buUion,  however 
small  the  quantity,  but  exports  in  the  form  of  goods 
manufactured  in  Spain;  and  these  by  a  proclama- 
tion of  1494  might  not  include  brocades  nor  em- 
broideries woven  or  worked  with  gold  thread. 

Thus  by  excessive  care  what  might  have  been  a 
lucrative  industry  was  ruined ;  the  more  that  sump- 
tuary laws  prohibited  the  wearing  of  rich  stuffs  in 
Spain  itself  save  by  a  limited  part  of  the  popula- 
tion. A  desire  for  splendid  clothing,  like  the  love 
of  beauty,  is  imprinted  deep  in  human  hearts,  and 
"fine  feathers"  are  the  usual  accompaniment  of 
commercial  prosperity;  but  Ferdinand  and  Isabel 
regarded  with  horror  what  they  considered  as  the 
growing  extravagance  of  the  lower  classes.  The 
latter  were  intended  to  work,  not  to  flaunt  fine 
stuffs  in  the  faces  of  the  aristocracy ;  and  the  silk- 
trade,  its  growth  watered  by  protection,  was 
stunted  by  restrictions  on  its  sales. 

On  the  splendour  of  Isabel  and  her  Court  we 
have  already  remarked;  but  it  is  significant  that, 
at  Tordesillas  in  1520,  the  Commons  nevertheless 
looked  back  to  the  reign  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns 


400  Isabel  of  Castile 

as  a  time  of  economy,  complaining  to  the  young 
Emperor  that  the  daily  expenses  of  his  household 
were  ten  times  as  great  as  those  of  his  grand- 
parents. Ferdinand  and  his  Queen  were  gorgeous 
in  their  dress  and  ceremony;  but  it  was  the  con- 
sidered maintenance  of  their  ideal  of  dignity  not 
the  careless  extravagance  of  those  who  spend 
what  others  have  earned,  and  therefore  fail  to 
reahze  its  true  value. 

They  did  not  let  themselves  be  imprisoned  behind 
the  bars  of  pomp  [wrote  the  Royal  Council  to  Charles, 
soon  after  Ferdinand's  death]  for  it  seemed  to  them 
that  there  was  greater  security  in  the  good  reputation 
of  their  government  than  in  the  magnificence  of 
their  household. 

It  has  been  urged  as  an  instance  of  parsimony 
in  contrast  to  their  personal  expenditure  that  the 
Catholic  sovereigns,  in  spite  of  their  professed 
love  of  learning,  did  not  with  the  exception  of  the 
College  at  Avila  found  or  endow  any  school  or 
college;  and  had  the  education  of  their  land  de- 
pended solely  on  the  support  of  the  royal  treasury 
such  criticism  would  be  just.  It  will  be  seen 
however  that,  given  the  momentum  of  royal  en- 
couragement, private  enterprise,  often  almost  as 
well  endowed  as    sovereignty  and  with  far  less 


Castilian  Literature  401 

claims  upon  its  purse,  was  quite  capable  of  acting 
"Alma  Mater"  to  the  would-be  scholars  of  Spain. 

The  civil  wars  of  Henry  IV. 's  reign  had,  it  is 
true,  developed  muscle  and  sword-play  rather 
than  the  literary  mind;  but  the  blows  suffered  by 
culture  at  the  hands  of  anarchy,  though  heavy, 
had  not  proved  mortal.  Men  were  still  alive  who 
recalled  the  artistic  traditions  of  the  Court  of 
John  II.,  Isabel's  father,  and  rejoiced  to  see  their 
revival  under  his  daughter.  It  was  not  only  that 
Isabel  herself,  by  her  own  studies  and  the  careful 
education  of  her  children,  set  an  example  which 
an  obsequious  Court  must  necessarily  follow;  but 
her  whole  attitude  to  life  expressed  her  belief  in  the 
importance  of  this  learning  that  the  average  young 
noble  would  otherwise  have  held  in  little  esteem. 

In  1474  the  art  of  printing  was  introduced  into 
Spain ;  and  before  the  end  of  the  century  presses 
were  set  up  in  Valencia,  Saragossa,  Barcelona, 
Seville,  Salamanca,  Toledo,  and  all  the  large  cities 
of  the  two  kingdoms.  The  Queen,  quick  to  realize 
the  power  this  invention  might  become,  granted 
freedom  from  taxation  to  German  and  Italian 
printers  of  repute;  just  as  she  had  encouraged 
the  advent  of  picked  engineers  and  artisans  that 
the  best  brains  of  Europe,  whatever  the  line  of 
their  development,  might  be  at  her  disposal.  Span- 

36 


402  Isabel  of  Castile 

ish  books,  classics,  and  classical  translations  were 
published;  while,  in  contrast  to  the  heavy  tariffs 
usually  levied  on  imports,  foreign  books  were 
allowed  free  entrance  into  the  home  markets. 

Isabel's  own  library  displayed  a  catholic  taste 
in  literature;  the  collection  ranging  from  devo- 
tional works  and  treatises  on  philosophy,  grammar, 
and  medicine,  to  manuscript  copies  or  translations 
of  Latin,  Greek,  and  Italian  authors,  such  as  Plu- 
tarch, Livy,  Virgil,  Aristotle,  and  Boccaccio;  to- 
gether with  national  chronicles,  and  collections  of 
contemporary  poems. 

When  she  and  Ferdinand  built  the  Church  of 
San  Juan  de  los  Reyes,  as  a  thanksgiving  for 
their  victory  over  the  Portuguese  at  Toro,  they 
also  endowed  the  Convent  attached  to  it  with  a 
library;  while  they  took  a  deep  interest  in  the 
foundation  of  the  University  of  Alcala  de  Henares, 
of  which  Ximenes  de  Cisneros  laid  the  foundation 
stone  in  1500,  the  building  being  finally  open  to 
students  eight  years  later.  Queen  Isabel  was  then 
dead;  but  the  glory  of  Alcala  may  be  said  to 
radiate  from  her  reign,  which  had  seen  a  man  of 
Cisneros's  intelligence  appointed  to  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Toledo,  to  use  its  wealthy  revenues 
not  like  Alfonso  Carrillo  of  old  for  violence  or 
alchemy  but  for  the  furtherance  of  education  and 


COINS,    CATHOLIC    KINGS 
FROM   LAFUENTE'S    "  HISTORIA  GENERAL  DE  ESPANA,"    VOL.    VM. 


Castilian  Literature  403 

knowledge.  Cisneros  had  been  in  Italy,  and  his 
scheme  of  endowment  showed  that  for  all  his 
austerity  he  had  not  remained  wholly  uninfluenced 
by  the  spirit  of  the  classical  renaissance.  Of  the 
forty- two  professorships  at  Alcala,  six  were  devoted 
to  the  study  of  Latin  grammar,  four  to  ancient 
languages,  and  four  to  rhetoric  and  philosophy. 

The  Archbishop  had  once  denounced  the  idea  of 
an  Arabic  version  of  the  Scriptures  to  Fra  Fer- 
nando de  Talavera  as  "pearls  cast  before  swine"; 
but  though  he  condemned  the  languages  of  his  own 
day  as  a  medium  for  Holy  Writ,  maintaining  that 
ordinary  people  would  through  ignorance  misin- 
terpret truths  to  their  souls'  damnation,  yet  the 
crowning  work  of  his  life  was  to  be  an  edition  of  the 
Bible  in  the  principal  languages  of  the  ancient 
world.  Under  his  criticism  and  supervision  the 
first  Polyglot  Bible  was  printed  in  15 17  a  few 
months  before  his  death ;  the  Old  Testament  being 
printed  in  Hebrew,  Latin,  Greek,  and  Chaldean; 
the  New  Testament  in  Greek  and  the  Vulgate  of 
Saint  Jerome.  The  errors  of  such  a  mighty  work 
in  that  unscientific  age  were  naturally  many;  but 
the  mere  fact  of  its  production  shows  that  the 
literary  spirit  was  keenly  alive.  It  was  a  triumph 
for  Alcala;  and  the  name  of  the  new  university 
soon  became  famous  in  Europe. 


404  Isabel  of  Castile 

Other  educational  institutions  were  also  founded 
in  this  reign  at  Siguenza,  Valladolid,  Toledo, 
Santiago,  and  Avila ;  mainly  through  the  enterprise 
of  wealthy  Churchmen;  the  College  of  Santa  Cruz 
at  Valladolid,  like  Alcala  de  Henares,  owing  its 
origin  to  an  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  though  to 
Ximenes's  predecessor,  Cardinal  Mendoza.  Well- 
endowed  proiessorships  and  the  report  of  the 
growing  enthusiasm  in  Spain  for  classical  know- 
ledge drew  scholars  of  repute  from  Italy,  some 
by  direct  invitation  to  lecture  and  teach,  others 
in  the  train  of  nobles  anxious  by  their  patronage 
to  display  their  literary  taste. 

The  Lombard,  Peter  Martyr  of  Anghiera,  whose 
name  we  have  so  often  mentioned,  accompanied 
the  Count  of  Tendilla  on  his  return  from  an 
embassy  at  Rome,  and  was  at  once  requested  by 
the  Queen  to  open  a  school  for  the  young  Castilian 
aristocracy,  which  was  prone,  in  his  own  words, 
"to  regard  the  pursuit  of  letters  as  a  hindrance 
to  the  profession  of  arms  that  it  alone  thought 
worthy  of  consideration." 

Martyr  preferred  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  the 
Christian  army  in  Granada  to  their  conclusion, 
probably  judging  that  until  the  Cross  had  tri- 
umphed he  would  receive  little  attention;  but  on 
the  establishment  of  peace  he  began  to  lecture 


COINS,    CATHOLIC    KINGS 

FROM    LAFUENTE'S    "  HISTORIA  GENERAL   DE   ESPANA,"    VOL.    VII. 


Castilian  Literature  4^5 

in  Salamanca,  the  oldest  university  in  Spain, 
"Mother  of  the  Liberal  Arts,"  as  Lucio  Marineo 
fondly  called  her.  He  also  opened  schools  in 
Valladolid,  Saragossa,  and  other  important  cities. 
The  young  Duke  of  Villahermosa,  Ferdinand's 
nephew,  and  the  Duke  of  Guimaraens,  Isabel's 
cousin,  set  an  example  by  their  attendance  to  other 
youths  of  high  birth,  till  Peter  Martyr's  house  was 
thronged  with  students,  convinced  that  classical 
and  philosophical  knowledge  would  enhance  their 
military  laurels  rather  than  detract  from  them. 

Martyr's  own  Latin  style,  as  shown  in  his 
copious  letters  to  illustrious  contemporaries,  and 
in  his  account  of  the  New  World,  was  for  the  most 
part  crude;  but  what  it  lacked  in  elegance  was 
counterbalanced  by  vigour  and  the  accuracy  and 
insight  of  his  information.  He  is  thus  a  valuable 
authority  for  Isabel's  reign,  like  his  fellow-country- 
man the  Sicilian  Lucio  Marineo,  whose  encyclo- 
pedic work  De  Memorahilihus  HispanicE  throws 
considerable  light  on  the  Spanish  history  of  his 
day.  Marineo  was  introduced  to  the  Castilian 
Court  in  1484  by  the  Admiral,  Don  Fadrique 
Enriquez,  and  from  that  date  till  1496  held  the 
post  of  Professor  of  Latin  Poetry  and  Eloquence 
in  the  University  of  Salamanca.  So  great  was  the 
enthusiasm  inspired  by  his  lectures  that  they  were 


4o6  Isabel  of  Castile 

attended  not  only  by  the  ordinary  student  but  by 
archbishops  and  bishops,  and  many  of  the  leading 
nobles  and  ladies  of  the  Coiu't. 

Less  remembered  now,  but  famous  then,  was 
the  Portuguese,  Arias  Barbosa,  who  founded  the 
study  of  Greek  in  Salamanca.  He  had  been  edu- 
cated in  Italy,  the  reputation  of  whose  universities 
was  still  to  lure  young  Spaniards  from  the  rival 
institutions  of  their  own  land.  It  was  indeed  a 
happy  influence,  for  numbers  of  the  most  promis- 
ing students  returned  home  to  widen  the  outlook 
of  Castilian  scholarship  by  the  light  of  foreign 
methods  and  research. 

Of  these  the  greatest  was  undoubtedly  Antonio 
de  Lebrija,  who  has  been  called  the  "most  culti- 
vated and  original  of  all  the  Spanish  humanists  of 
his  time."  An  Andalusian  by  birth,  he  had  been 
sent  at  nineteen  to  the  University  of  Bologna,  and, 
after  ten  years'  study  in  Italy,  settled  down  first 
in  Seville,  and  then  at  Salamanca  and  Alcala  to 
teach  and  publish  what  he  had  acquired.  One  of 
the  editors  of  the  Polyglot  Bible,  he  left  works 
not  only  on  theology  but  on  law,  archaeology,  his- 
tory, natural  science,  and  geography.  Perhaps 
those  of  most  lasting  value  to  his  countrymen  were 
his  Latin  dictionary  published  in  1492,  and  his 
Spanish  and  Latin  grammars. 


COINS,    CATHOLIC     KINGS 

FROM    LAFUENTE'S     "  HISTORIA    GENERAL    DE    ESPANA,"    VOL.    VII, 


i/;.ii 


COINS,    CATHOLIC   KINGS 

FROM   LAFUENTE'S    "  HISTORIA  GENERAL   DE   ESPANA."    VOL.    VII. 


Castilian  Literature  407 

His  daughter  Francisca  also  maintained  the 
literary  reputation  of  the  family  as  professor  of 
rhetoric  at  Alcala.  In  an  age,  when  the  love  of 
letters  had  been  inspired  largely  by  a  cultured 
Queen,  it  was  natural  that  the  sexes  should  share 
their  enthusiasm;  and  Isabel's  tutor,  Beatriz  de 
Galindo  "La  Latina, "  and  other  ladies  famous 
for  their  classical  knowledge,  lectured  publicly 
at  Salamanca  and  elsewhere  to  large  audiences. 

"Learning"  had  become  a  fashion,  as  in  the 
time  of  John  II. ;  and  the  literature  of  the  day  bore 
the  stamp  of  the  courtly  atmosphere  in  which  it 
had  been  bred.  The  old  rough-hewn  ballads  with 
their  popular  appeal  had  yielded  to  polished  lyrics, 
often  purposely  obscure  in  meaning,  and  filled  with 
classical  allusions  and  conceits;  the  epics  of  na- 
tional heroes,  such  as  "King  Rodrigo"  and  "the 
Cid,"  to  sober  chronicles  of  contemporary  events 
or  to  imaginative  fiction,  the  more  highly  eulo- 
gized as  it  increased  in  extravagance. 

In  the  pompous  and  long-winded  speeches  in- 
troduced into  historical  scenes  after  the  manner  of 
Livy,  in  the  Dantesque  allegory  and  amatory 
verses  addressed  by  Spanish  "Petrarchs"  to  their 
"  Lauras, "  may  be  seen  the  outcome  of  the  literary 
demand  for  translations  of  Latin  authors,  and  the 
masterpieces  of  the  Italian  Renaissance.    At  the 


4o8  Isabel  of  Castile 

same  time  the  tinion  of  the  two  kingdoms  imder 
Ferdinand  and  Isabel  secured  for  the  Castilian 
tongue  its  final  triumph  over  those  of  Catalonia 
and  Valencia ;  though  the  stately  and  vigorous  con- 
queror acquired  in  the  struggle  something  of  the 
romantic  spirit  and  spontaneous  gaiety,  with  which 
Provencal  troubadours  had  endowed  its  rivals. 

Spanish  literature  [it  has  been  said]  takes  its  root  in 
French  and  Italian  soil  .  .  .  yet  it  may  be  claimed 
for  Spain  .  .  .  that  she  used  her  models  without 
compromising  her  originality,  absorbing  here,  annex- 
ing there,  and  finally  dominating  her  first  masters. 

Her  era  of  literary  fame  was  to  dawn  under  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.,  and  reach  its  zenith  with  his 
son ;  but  tokens  of  the  coming  glory  may  be  traced 
to  a  much  earlier  date  when,  amid  the  florid  weeds 
of  imitation  or  pedantry,  there  yet  bloomed  oc- 
casional flowers  of  genuine  beauty  and  sweet- 
ness. Such  are  the  Coplas  de  Manrique,  stanzas 
written  on  the  death  of  his  father  by  the  brilliant 
young  soldier  Jorge  Manrique,  a  partisan  of 
Queen  Isabel  in  her  early  struggles.  Longfellow 
has  rendered  them  into  English  verse  with  a  charm, 
that,  if  it  does  not  attain  to  the  imperishable 
grandeur  of  the  original,  yet  in  its  quick  sympathy 
bridges  the  centuries. 


COINS,     FERDINAND 
FROM    LAFUENTE'S    "  HISTORIA   GENERAL   DE   ESPAnA,  '  '    VOL.    VII. 


COINS,    FERDINAND 

FROM   LAFUENTE'S    "  HISTORIA  GENERAL   DE   ESPANA,  ■  '    VOL.    VII. 


Castilian  Literature  409 

Behold  of  what  delusive  worth 
The  bubbles  we  pursue  on  earth, 

The  shapes  we  chase; 
Amid  a  world  of  treachery; 
They  vanish  ere  death  shuts  the  eye, 

And  leave  no  trace. 

Time  steals  them  from  us, — chances  strange. 
Disastrous  accidents,  and  change, 

That  come  to  all ; 
Even  in  the  most  exalted  state, 
Relentless  sweeps  the  stroke  of  fate; 

The  strongest  fall. 

Who  is  the  champion?    Who  the  strong? 
Pontiff  and  priest,  and  sceptred  throng? 

On  these  shall  fall 
As  heavily  the  hand  of  Death, 
As  when  it  stays  the  shepherd's  breath 

Beside  his  stall.  .  .  . 

Tourney  and  joust,  that  charmed  the  eye. 
And  scarf  and  gorgeous  panoply, 

And  nodding  plume, — 
What  were  they  but  a  pageant  scene? 
What  but  the  garlands,  gay  and  green, 

That  deck  the  tomb?  .  .  . 

His  soul  to  Him,  Who  gave  it,  rose; 
God  lead  it  to  its  long  repose. 

Its  glories  rest! 
And  though  the  warrior's  sun  has  set, 
Its  light  shall  linger  round  us  yet. 

Bright,  radiant,  blest. 


410  Isabel  of  Castile 

These  are  a  few  of  the  forty- two  stanzas,  in 
which  with  almost  flawless  simplicity  of  style  Man- 
rique  mourns  in  his  own  personal  loss  the  sorrow 
and  regret  of  all  the  human  race.  He  begins  with 
the  vanity  of  life;  he  ends  with  a  plea  for  resigna- 
tion ;  not  an  Omar  Khayyam's  bitter  surrender  to 
inevitable  destiny  but  a  confident  trust  in  a  God 
who  is  both  Creator  and  Saviour. 

Other  verses  of  Manrique  are  to  be  found  in  the 
various  cancioneros,  or  collections  of  Castilian 
poetry  and  song,  that  were  gathered  together  in 
the  course  of  the  fifteenth  century;  but  none  de- 
serve nor  have  reaped  the  same  applause.  In  151 1, 
a  Cancionero  General  was  printed  at  Valencia, 
that  may  be  taken  as  typical  of  Queen  Isabel's 
reign  and  those  of  her  father  and  brother.  It 
declared  its  contents  as  "many  and  divers  works 
of  all,  or  of  the  most  notable  troubadours  of 
Spain";  and  it  is  indeed  a  varied  collection  of 
devotional  hymns,  moral  discussions,  love-songs, 
ballads,  riddles,  villancicos  or  poems  supposed 
to  be  of  rustic  origin,  and  invenciones  or  rhymes 
concocted  by  the  chivalry  of  Castile  to  explain  the 
devices  on  their  shields. 

In  all  there  are  over  eleven  hundred  pieces;  but 
few,  especially  of  those  that  represent  the  close 
of  the  century,  have  the  note  of  distinction,  _  The 


Castilian  Literature  411 

true  spirit  of  song  is  sometimes  there,  rising  with 
sudden  power  and  conviction  in  scattered  lines 
or  stanzas;  but  for  the  most  part  imprisoned  in  a 
maze  of  forms  and  unreaHties  that  leave  our 
emotions  and  our  imaginations  cold.  The  butter- 
fly is  still  enwrapped  in  the  chrysalis. 

Spanish  prose,  during  the  reign  of  the  Catholic 
Sovereigns,  was  in  the  same  transitional  stage  as 
poetry.  The  promise  of  good  things  was  working 
to  its  fulfilment,  but  the  harvest  would  be  reaped 
in  another  age.  In  the  national  chronicles,  the 
oldest  form  of  prose  literature,  this  change  may 
be  seen  at  work.  The  narratives  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  IV.,  covering  the  earlier  years  of  Isabel's 
life,  are  mere  annals,  sometimes  more  or  less  im- 
partial as  in  the  case  of  "Enriquez  del  Castillo," 
or  else  frankly  partisan,  like  the  pages  that  bear 
the  name  of  Alonso  de  Palencia.*  Their  value 
lies  either  in  their  picturesque  style,  or  in  the 
descriptions  of  scenes,  at  which  the  authors 
themselves  were  present. 

The  same  may  be  said  of  Andres  Bemaldez's 
Historia  de  Los  Reyes  Catolicos,  one  of  the  most 
valuable  authorities  for  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and 

'  This  chronicle  is  probably  a  rough  extract  of  part  of  Mosen 
Diego  de  Valera's  Memorial  de  Hazanas, — taken  in  its  turn  from 
Palencia's  Las  Decadas  de  Las  Cosas  de  mi  Tiempo,  which  was 
originally  written  in  Latin. 


412  Isabel  of  Castile 

Isabel.  Bemaldez,  parish-priest  of  Los  Palacios 
near  Seville,  was  no  ambitious  historian;  and 
it  is  not  his  lack  of  bias  nor  his  well-balanced 
judgment  that  has  won  him  the  thanks  of 
posterity,  but  rather  the  simplicity  with  which  he 
recounts  events  that  he  himself  had  witnessed  or 
that  had  touched  him  nearly.  We  are  grateful 
that  he  had  the  kindly  thought  of  memorizing  his 
impressions  of  the  war  in  Granada,  and  of  recall- 
ing the  deeds  of  the  hero  Columbus,  who  once 
stopped  in  his  house;  but  the  work  of  sifting  the 
grain  of  his  information  from  the  chaff  is  left  to 
his  readers. 

In  Hernando  de  Pulgar,  author  of  the  Cronica 
de  los  Reyes  Catolicos,  on  the  other  hand,  we  find 
what  might  be  called  the  historical  consciousness 
in  embryo.  The  beginning  of  this  work  which 
relates  to  a  period  before  1482  when  he  became 
official  historiographer  and  secretary  to  the  Queen 
is  often  wildly  inaccurate;  but  the  latter  portion 
which  is  much  more  careful  shows  an  attempt  to 
produce  a  chronological  summary  that  should 
give  to  each  event  its  due  importance.  If  the 
style  is  sometimes  heavy,  its  very  prolixity  pro- 
vides a  wealth  of  circumstantial  detail ;  and  though 
his  admiration  for  the  sovereigns,  and  in  especial 
for  the  Queen,  have  laid  him  open  to  the  charge  of 


Castilian  Literature  413 

flattery,  the  tone  of  his  chronicle  is  in  the  main 
neither  illiberal  nor  fulsome. 

It  is  to  a  later  reign  and  Zurita's  Anales  de 
Aragon  that  we  must  turn  for  the  first  piece  of 
real  historical  work  founded  on  a  study  of  original 
documents  and  contemporary  foreign  sources;  but 
in  descriptive  power  Hernando  de  Pulgar  remains 
infinitely  Zurita's  superior.  Besides  his  Cronica 
de  Los  Reyes  Catolicos,  he  wrote  also  Claros 
Varones,  a  series  of  biographical  sketches  of  illus- 
trious people  of  his  own  day.  They  are  carefully 
drawn  portraits,  by  many  critics  considered  his 
best  work;  but  their  realism  is  impaired  by  his 
tendency  to  blur  the  fine  edges  of  appreciation 
with  over-enthusiastic  praise. 

It  is  the  courtier's  temptation,  which  the  trend 
of  the  Castilian  literature  of  his  time  towards 
exaggeration  would  do  little  to  mitigate.  Fan- 
tasy not  realism  was  the  popular  demand  amongst 
the  cultured  in  their  leisure  hours;  and  those,  for 
whom  the  ballads  were  too  rough  and  the  chronicles 
too  heavy,  fed  with  delight  on  "  Romances  of 
Chivalry"  as  insipid  in  style  as  their  adventures 
were  far  removed  from  real  life.  Cervantes,  in  the 
story  of  his  mad  Knight,  Don  Quixote,  was  to  kill 
these  monsters  of  imagination  with  his  satire,  but 
in  condemning  the  whole  brood  as  fit  material  for 


414  Isabel  of  Castile 

a  bonfire  he  spared  their  original  model,  Amadis 
de  Gaula.  The  latter  is  found  by  the  Priest  and 
the  Barber,  Master  Nicholas,  on  the  shelves  of 
the  old  Knight's  library. 

This,  as  I  have  heard  say  [exclaimed  the  Priest], 
was  the  first  book  of  chivalry  printed  in  Spain,  and 
all  the  rest  have  had  their  foundation  and  rise  from  it ; 
therefore  I  think,  as  head  of  so  pernicious  a  sect,  we 
ought  to  condemn  him  to  the  fire  without  mercy. 

Not  so,  Sir  [answered  the  Barber],  for  I  have  heard 
also  that  it  is  the  best  of  all  books  of  this  kind;  and 
therefore  as  being  singular  in  his  art  he  ought  to  be 
spared. 

With  this  judgment  the  Priest  at  once  concurred. 

The  exact  source  from  which  Amadis  de  Gaula 
emerged  is  buried  in  mystery.  It  bears  the 
stamp  of  French  influence;  but,  in  the  form  it 
appeared  in  Spain  during  the  fifteenth  century, 
was  a  translation  by  Ordofiez  de  Montalvo  of  the 
work  of  a  Portuguese  Knight  who  fought  at  the 
battle  of  Aljubarrota.  Gaula,  the  kingdom  of 
Amadis's  birth  is  Wales; — the  time — "not  many 
years  after  the  passion  of  Our  Redeemer";  but 
neither  geography  nor  chronology  is  of  much 
importance  to  the  romance  that  relates  the 
wanderings  of  an  imaginary  Prince,  his  love  for 
"Oriana,  the  true  and  peerless  lady,"  daughter 


Castilian  Literature  415 

of  an  imaginary  King  of  England,  and  his  en- 
counters with  other  Knights  and  various  magicians 
and  giants ;  until  at  length  a  happy  marriage  brings 
his  trials  to  a  temporary  conclusion. 

The  immense  popularity  that  this  book  en- 
joyed led  to  innumerable  imitations;  one  of  them, 
the  story  of  "Esplandion"  a  supposed  son  of 
Amadis,  by  Montalvo  himself;  but  all  reproduced 
and  exaggerated  the  faults  of  the  earlier  book, 
without  achieving  the  charm  of  style  that  here  and 
there  illuminated  its  pages.  The  heroes  of  these 
romances  are  indeed  a  dreary  company,  differing 
only,  as  it  has  been  said,  "in  the  size  of  the  giants 
they  slay  and  in  the  degree  of  improbability  of 
their  colourless  adventures  and  loves." 

A  variation  of  this  type  of  literature  were  the 
"Visionary  Romances,"  of  which  the  Car  eel  de 
Amor  or  Prison  of  Love  is  perhaps  the  best  ex- 
ample. This  was  the  work  of  a  fifteenth-century 
poet,  Diego  de  San  Pedro,  who  describes  how  in  a 
vision  he  saw  "savage  Desire"  lead  an  unhappy 
Knight  in  chains  to  torture  him  in  the  Castle  of 
Love.  This  victim's  release  brings  allegory  to  an 
end,  and  introduces  a  wearisome  round  of  ad- 
ventures much  in  the  style  of  the  ordinary  ro- 
mance. The  Car  eel  de  Amor  was  printed  in  1492, 
and  delighted  the  Court  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabel; 


41 6  Isabel  of  Castile 

but  Cervantes's  Priest  and  Barber,  had  they  found 
it,  would  have  undoubtedly  pitched  it  through 
the  library  window  to  increase  the  bonfire  in  the 
cotutyard  below. 

Very  different  was  the  Celestina,  first  printed  in 
Burgos  in  1499,  and  now  generally  believed  to  be 
the  work  of  a  lawyer,  Fernando  de  Rojas.  Here 
are  no  shadowy  Knights  condemned  to  struggle 
through  endless  pages  with  imaginary  beasts;  but 
men  and  women  at  war  with  sin  and  moved  by 
passions  that  are  as  eternal  as  human  life  itself. 
The  author  describes  it  as  a  "Tragicomedia," 
since  it  begins  in  comedy  and  ends  in  tragedy. 
It  is  the  tale  of  a  certain  youth,  Calisto,  who, 
rejected  by  the  heroine,  Melibea,  bribes  an  old 
woman,  Celestina,  to  act  as  go-between;  until  at 
length  through  her  evil  persuasions  virtue  yields 
to  his  advances.  The  rest  of  the  book  works  out 
the  Nemesis;  Calisto  being  surprised  and  slain  at  a 
secret  meeting  with  his  mistress,  Celestina  mur- 
dered for  her  ill-gotten  money  by  her  associates, 
while  Melibea  herself  commits  suicide.  The  whole 
is  related  in  dialogue,  often  witty  and  even  bril- 
liant; but  marred  for  the  taste  of  a  later  age  by 
gross  and  indecent  passages. 

The  Celestina  has  been  classed  both  as  novel  and 
play,  and  might  indeed  be  claimed  as  the  fore- 


Castilian  Literature  417 

runner  of  both  these  more  modern  Spanish  de- 
velopments. It  is  cast  in  the  form  of  acts;  but 
their  number  (twenty-one)  and  the  extreme  length 
of  many  of  the  speeches  make  it  improbable  that 
it  was  ever  acted.  Nevertheless  its  popularity, 
besides  raising  a  host  of  imitations  more  or  less 
worthless,  insured  it  a  lasting  influence  on  Castilian 
literature;  and  the  seventeenth  century  witnessed 
its  adaptatiofi  to  the  stage. 

Other  dialogues,  with  less  plot  but  considerable 
dramatic  spirit,  are  the  Coplas  de  Mingo  Revulgo, 
and  the  Dialogue  between  Love  and  an  Old  Man  by 
Rodrigo  Cota.  The  former  of  these  represents  a 
conversation  between  two  shepherds,  satirizing 
the  reign  of  Henry  IV. ;  the  latter  the  disillusion- 
ment of  an  old  man  who,  having  allowed  himself 
to  be  tricked  by  Love  whom  he  beheved  he  had 
cast  out  of  his  life  for  ever,  finds  that  Love  is 
mocking  him  and  that  he  has  lost  the  power  to 
charm. 

Whether  these  pieces  were  acted  or  no  is  not 
certain ;  but  they  bear  enough  resemblance  to  the 
Representaciones  of  Juan  del  Bnzina,  which  cer- 
tainly were  produced,  to  make  it  probable  that 
they  were.  Juan  de  Enzina  was  born  about  the 
year  1468,  and  under  the  patronage  of  the  Duke 
of  Alva  appeared  at  Ferdinand  and  Isabel's  Court, 


4i8  Isabel  ol  Castile 

where  he  became  famous  as  poet  and  musician. 
Amongst  his  works  are  twelve  "Eglogas,"  or 
pastoral  poems,  six  secular  in  their  tone  and  six 
religious,  the  latter  being  intended  to  celebrate 
the  great  church  festivals. 

The  secular  Representaciones  deal  with  simple 
incidents  and  show  no  real  sense  of  dramatic 
composition;  but  with  the  other  six  they  may  be 
looked  on  as  a  connecting  link  between  the  old 
religious  "Mysteries"  and  "Miracle  Plays"  of  the 
early  Middle  Ages  and  the  coming  Spanish  drama. 
Their  author  indeed  stands  out  as  "Father"  of 
his  art  in  Spain,  for  a  learned  authority  of  the 
reign  of  Philip  IV.  has  placed  it  on  record  that 
"in  1492,  companies  began  to  represent  publicly 
in  Castile  plays  by  Juan  del  Enzina." 

If  the  literature  of  Spain  during  the  fifteenth 
and  early  sixteenth  centuries  may  be  described 
by  the  general  term  "transitional,"  marking  its 
development  from  crudity  of  ideas  and  false 
technique  towards  a  slow  unfolding  of  its  true 
genius,  painting  at  the  same  date  was  still  in  its 
infancy;  while  architecture  and  the  lesser  arts  of 
sculpture,  metal- work,  and  pottery  had  already 
reached  their  period  of  greatest  glory. 

Schools  of  painting  existed,  it  is  true,  at  Toledo 
and  in  Andalusia ;  but  the  three  chief  artists  of  the 


Castilian  Literature  419 

Court  of  Isabel  came  from  Flanders;  and  most  cf 
the  pictures  of  the  time  exhibit  a  strong  Flemish 
influence,  which  can  be  recognized  in  their  rich 
and  elaborate  colouring,  clearly  defined  outlines, 
and  the  tall  gaunt  figures  so  dear  to  northern  taste. 
Of  Spanish  painters,  the  names  of  Fernando 
Gallegos  "the  Galician,"  of  Juan  vSanchez  de 
Castro  a  disciple  of  the  "Escuela  Flamenca,"  and 
of  Antonio  Rincon  and  his  son  Fernando,  stand 
out  with  some  prominence;  but  it  is  doubtful  if 
several  of  the  pictures  formerly  attributed  to 
Antonio,  including  a  Madonna  with  Ferdinand 
and  Isabel  kneeling  in  the  foreground,  are  really 
his  work. 

In  architecture  at  this  time  the  evidence  of 
foreign  influence  is  also  strong.  On  the  one  hand 
are  Gothic  Churches  like  San  Juan  de  Los  Reyes 
at  Toledo  or  amongst  secular  buildings,  the  mas- 
sive castle  of  Medina  del  Campo;  on  the  other, 
in  contrast  to  these  northern  designs,  Renaissance 
works  with  their  classic-Italian  stamp,  such  as  the 
Hospital  of  Santa  Cruz  at  Toledo  or  the  College 
of  the  same  name  at  Valladolid.  Yet  a  third 
element  is  the  Moresque,  founded  on  Mahometan 
models,  such  as  the  horseshoe  arch  of  the  Puerta 
del  Perdon  of  the  old  Mosque  at  Seville  overlaid 
with    the   emblems   of   Christian   worship.      The 


420  Isabel  of  Castile 

characteristics  of  North,  South,  and  East,  are 
distinct;  yet  moulded,  as  during  the  previous 
centuries,  by  the  race  that  borrowed  them  to 
express  ideals  peculiarly  its  own. 

"Let  us  build  such  a  vast  and  splendid  temple," 
said  the  founders  of  Seville  Cathedral  in  1401, 
"that  succeeding  generations  of  men  will  say  that 
we  were  mad." 

It  is  the  arrogant  self-assertion  of  a  people 
absolutely  convinced,  from  king  to  peasant,  of 
their  divine  mission  to  astonish  and  subdue  the 
world  in  the  name  of  the  Catholic  Faith  and  Holy 
Church.  The  triumphant  close  of  their  long  cru- 
sade intensified  this  spiritual  pride;  and  Spanish 
architecture  and  sculpture  ran  riot  in  a  wealth 
of  ornament  and  detail,  that  cannot  but  arrest 
though  it  often  wearies  the  eye. 

Such  was  the  " plateresque "  or  "silversmith" 
method  of  elaborate  decoration,  seen  at  its  best  at 
Avila  in  the  beautiful  Renaissance  tomb  of  Prince 
John,  which  though  ornate  is  yet  refined  and 
pure,  at  its  most  florid  in  the  fagade  of  the  Convent 
of  San  Pablo  at  Valladolid.  Under  its  blighting 
spell  the  strong  simplicity  of  an  earlier  age  with- 
ered ;  and  Gothic  and  Renaissance  styles  alike  were 
to  perish  through  the  false  standard  of  merit 
applied  to  them  by  a  decadent  school. 


FACADE    OF    SAN    PAB^O    AT    VALLADOLID 
FROM   A   PHOTOGRAPH    BY   LACOSTE,    MADRID 


Castilian  Literature  421 

The  first  impression  emerging  from  a  survey  of 
Queen  Isabel's  reign  is  the  thought  of  the  trans- 
formation those  thirty  years  had  wrought  in  the 
character  of  her  land.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  in  this  time  Spain  had  passed  from  mediaeval- 
ism  to  take  her  place  in  a  modem  world.  She  had 
conquered  not  only  her  foes  abroad  but  anarchy 
at  home.  She  had  evolved  a  working- system  of 
government  and  discovered  a  New  World.  She 
had  trampled  out  heresy;  and  thus  provided  a 
solution  of  the  religious  problem  at  a  time  when 
most  of  the  other  nations  of  Europe  were  only 
beginning  to  recognise  its  difficulties. 

Not  all  these  changes  were  for  the  best.  On  the 
heavy  price  paid  in  blood  and  terror  for  the 
realization  of  the  ideal  "One  people,  one  Faith" 
we  have  already  remarked.  We  can  see  it  with 
clear  eyes  now ;  but  at  the  time  the  sense  of  ortho- 
doxy above  their  fellows,  that  arose  from  persecut- 
ing zeal,  gave  to  the  Spanish  nation  a  special 
power;  and  Isabel  "the  Catholic"  was  the  heroine 
of  her  own  age  above  all  for  the  bigotry  that  per- 
mitted the  fires  and  tortures  of  the  Inquisition. 

A  woman  .  .  .  [says  Martin  Hume]  whose  saintly 
devotion  to  her  Faith  blinded  her  eyes  to  human 
things,  and  whose  anxiety  to  please  the  God  of  Mercy 
made  her  merciless  to  those  she  thought  His  enemies. 


422  Isabel  of  Castile 

With  this  verdict,  a  condemnation  yet  a  plea 
for  understanding,  Isabel,  "the  persecutor"  must 
pass  before  the  modern  judgment-bar.  In  her 
personal  relations,  both  as  wife  and  mother,  and 
in  her  capacity  as  Queen  on  the  other  hand  she 
deserves  our  unstinted  admiration. 


The  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  [says  Marie jol] 
may  be  summarized  in  a  few  words.  They  had  en- 
joyed great  power  and  they  had  employed  it  to  the 
utmost  advantage  both  for  themselves  and  the  Span- 
ish nation.  Royal  authority  had  been  in  their  hands 
an  instrument  of  prosperity.  Influence  abroad, — 
peace  at  home, — these  were  the  first-fruits  of  the 
absolute  monarchy. 


If  criticism  maintains  that  this  benevolent  gov- 
ernment degenerated  into  despotism  during  the 
sixteenth  century,  while  Spain  became  the  tool  and 
purse  of  imperial  ambitions,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  neither  Castilian  Queen  nor  Aragonese 
King  could  have  fought  the  evils  they  found  suc- 
cessfully with  any  other  weapon  than  their  own 
supremacy,  nor  is  it  fair  to  hold  them  responsible 
for  the  tyranny  of  their  successors.  Ferdinand 
indeed  may  be  blamed  for  yielding  to  the  lure  of 
an  Italian  kingdom ;  but  even  his  astuteness  could 
not   have    foreseen    the    successive    deaths    that 


Castilian  Literature  423 

finally  secured  the  Spanish  Crown  for  a  Hapsburg 
and  an  Emperor. 

These  were  the  tricks  of  Fortune,  who  according 
to  Machiavelli  is  "the  mistress  of  one-half  our 
actions."  The  other  half  is  in  human  reckoning; 
and  Isabel  in  her  sincerity  and  strength  shaped 
the  destiny  of  Castile  as  far  as  in  her  lay  with  the 
instinct  of  a  true  ruler. 

"It  appeared  the  hand  of  God  was  with  her," 
says  the  historian,  Florez,  "because  she  was  very 
fortunate  in  those  things  that  she  undertook." 


424 


Appendix  I 


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APPENDIX  II 

PRINCIPAL  AUTHORITIES  FOR  THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 
ISABEL  OF  CASTILE 

A.  Contemporary. 

Bernaldez    (Andres)    (Curate  of   Los  Palacios), 

Historia  de  Los  Reyes. 
Carvajal  (Galindez),  Anales  Breves. 
Castillo  (Enriquez  del),  Cronica  del  Rey  Enrique 

IV. 
Martyr  (Peter),  Opus  Epistolarum. 
Pulgar   (Hernando  de),   Cronica   de   Los   Reyes 

Catolicos. 

Claros  Varones. 

Sicvho  (LvcioMari-seo),  Sumario  de  la  .  .  .  Vida 

.  .  .  de  Los  Catolicos  Reyes. 
ZuRiTA,  Anales  de  Aragon,  vols.  v.  and  vi. 

B.  Later  Authorities. 

Altamira,  Historia  de  Espana,  vol.  ii. 
Bergenroth,  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  vol.  i. 
Butler-Clarke,    "The   Catholic    Kings,"    (Cam- 
bridge Modern  History,  vol.  i.). 

Spanish  Literature. 

Clemencin,  Elogio  de  La  Reina  Isabel. 
Flores,  Reinas  Catolicas. 
425 


426  Appendix  II 

Hume  (Martin),  Queens  of  Old  Spain. 
Irving  (Washington),  Conquest  of  Granada. 

Life  of  Christopher  Columbus. 

Lafuente,  Historia  de  Espana,  vols.  vi.  and  vii. 
Lea,  History  of  the  Inquisition  in  Spain.    4  v. 
Mariejol,  L'Espagne  sous  Ferdinand  et  Isabelle. 
Prescott,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Ferdinand  and 

Isabella. 
Sabatini  (Rafael),  Torquemada  and  the  Spanish 

Inquisition. 
Thacher  (John  Boyd),  Christopher  Columbus.    3  v. 
Ticknor,  History  of  Spanish  Literature,  v.  i. 
Young  (Filson),  Life  of  Christopher  Columbus.    2  v. 

Some  Additional  Authorities  Consulted. 

Volumes  xiv.,  xxxix.,  Ixxxviii.,  and  others  of  the 
Documentos  Ineditos. 

Volume  Ixii.  and  others  of  the  Boletin  de  La  Real 
Academia. 

Amador  de  los  Rios,  Historia  de  Madrid. 

Armstrong  (E.),  Introduction  to  Spain,  Her  Great- 
ness and  Decay,  by  Martin  Hume. 

Berwick  and  Alba,  Correspondencia  de  Fuensalida. 

Colmenares,  Historia  de  Segovia. 

Diary  of  Roger  Machado. 

Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  History  of  Spanish  Literature. 

Mariejol,  Pierre  Martyr  d'Anghera:  Sa  vie  et  ses 
osuvres. 

Memoirs  of  Philip  de  Commines. 


n 


INDEX 


Abraham  "El  Gerbi,"  211,  213 
Aguilar,  Alonso  de,   177,   180, 

182,  281-3. 
Ajarquia,  176,  181 
Alcabala,  384,  394,  395 
AlcaU  de  Henares,  University 

of,  402 
Alexander  VI.    (Rodrigo  Bor- 
gia), 85,  236,  239,  248,  261, 
306,  353,  354,  360,  363 
Alfonso  V.  of  Aragon,  24,  25, 

35,  115-119.  350 
Alfonso  of  Castile,  brother  of 

Isabel,  22,  35,  46,  52,  56,  60, 

64,  65 
Alfonso  II.  of  Naples,  350,  353, 

3.'54,  356 
Alfonso  V.  of  Portugal,  52,  70, 

96,  et  seq.;  107,  ei  seq. 
Alfonso,  son  of  John  II.  of  Por- 
tugal, 223,  337 
Alfonso,   Archbishop  of  Sara- 

gossa,  244,  330 
Alhama,  165,  170 
Aliator,  176,  181,  182 
Aljubarrota,  Battle  of,  30 
Almeria,  161,  204,  216,  220,  280 
Alpujarras,  The,  278,  280 
Alvaro,  Don,  of  Portugal,  212 
Amadis  de  Gaula,  414 
Anne  of  Beaujeu,  340 
Anne  of  Brittany,  340 
Aranda,  Council  of,  239 
Aranda,  Pedro  de,  261 
Architecture,     Castilian,    419- 

420 
Arras,  Cardinal  of,  73,  81 
Arthur,  Prince  of  Wales,  373, 
374 


Atella,  capitulation  of,  362 
"Audiences"  in  Seville,  136 
Auto-de-Fe,  256 
Ayora,  Gonsalvo  de,  192 
Azaator,  Zegri,  274 

B 

Baeza,  216,  217,  219,  220,  223, 

280 
Bahamas,  discovery  of,  304 
Barbosa,  Arias,  406 
Barcelona,  38,  39,  40,  50,  75, 

305,  328,  352 
Bcrnaldez,  Andres,  Curate  of 

Los  Palacios,  168,  263,  412 
Berri,  Charles,  Duke  of  (later 

of  Guienne),  72,  81,  83 
Biscay,  Province  of,  100,  loi , 

112,  117 
Blanche  of  Navarre,  26 
Blanche,    dau.   of  John  II.  of 

Aragon,  27,  28,  43,  44 
Boabdil,  172,  181,  et  seq.;  198, 

203,   et  seq.;    208,   221-223, 

227,  et  seq. 
Bobadilla,  Beatriz  de  (March- 
ioness of  Moya),  62,  74,  84, 

85,  212,  213,  298 
Bobadilla,  Francisco  de,  314 
Borgia,  Caesar,  364.     {See  also 

Alexander  VI.) 
Burgos,  54,  55,  60,   103,   106; 

Bishop  of,  72,  74 


Cabrera,  Andres  de  (later 
Marquis  of  Moya),  83,  86, 
112,  114,  298 


427 


428 


Index 


Cadiz,  Marquis  of,  136,  139, 
140,  165  et  seq.;  175,  177, 
180,  183,  200,  201,  209,  212, 
216 

Cancionero  General,  410 

Carcel  de  Amor,  415 

Cardenas,  Alonso  de,  153,  176; 
Gutierre  de,  88,  217,  229 

Carrillo,  Archbishop,  58,  59, 
60,  63,  64,  68,  76,  78,  79,  80, 
85,  89,  90,  94,  96,  100,  105, 
108,  109,  III,  232,  239,  240 

Castillo,   Enriquez  del,  87,  411 

Catherine  of  Aragon,  334,  372, 

374. 
Celestina,  416 
Charles    of    Austria,    son     of 

Archduke   Philip,   378,   384, 

390,  396,  408 
Charles,  The  Bold,  116,  117 
Charles  VIII.  of  France,   186, 

340.  347,  348,  351  et  seq.;  363 
Charles  of  Viana,  26,  36,  et  seq.; 
Church,    Castilian,  13,  et  seq.; 

104,  231,  et  seq.;  249,  250 
Cid  Haya,  216,  220,  223 
Cifuentes,  Count  of,  177,  180 
Cisneros,  Ximenes  de,  242,  et 

seq.;  273,  et  seq.;  402,  403 
Claude,  dau.  of  Louis  XII.,  378 
Columbus,  Bartholomew,  289, 

315 
Columbus,  Christopher,  early 
life,   286;   nautical  theories, 
291;     appears     at     Spanish 
Court,  295;  character,   294, 
298,  300,   302,  314;  appear- 
ance, 295;  prepares  to  leave 
Spain,  299;  first  voyage,  303, 
305;  reception  at  Barcelona, 
305;    second     voyage,    307; 
views  on  slavery,  310;  third 
voyage,    314;     arrest,    315; 
fourth   voyage,   316;    devo- 
tion to  Queen  Isabel,    298, 
313,  317;  death,  317 
Columbus,  Diego,  294,  299,  317 
Commines,  Philip  de,  48 
Conversos,  The,  251,  252,  253 
Coplas  de  Manrique,  408 
Coplas  de  Mingo  Revulgo,  417 


Cordova,  Gonsalvo  de,  189, 
206,  280,  361,  367,  371 

Cortes,  the  Castilian,  18 

Cota,  Rodrigo,  417 

Cueva,  Beltran  de  La  (Count 
of  Ledesma,  Duke  of  Albur- 
querque),  32,  33,  45,  48,  51, 
52,  54.  57.  62,  64,  89,  151 

D 

D'Aubigny,  Stuart,  361 
Davila,  Juan  Arias,  261 
De  Puebla,  374 
Diaz,  Bartholomew,  289 


E 


Edict  of  Grace,  255 
Egypt,  Sultan  of,  219,  278 
Eleanor,    dau.  of  John  II.  of 

Aragon,  43,  44,  359 
Emmanuel    of    Portugal,    273, 

338,  343,  372  _ 
Enriquez,    Fadrique,    Admiral 

of  Castile,  36,  58,  59,  60,  74 
Enzina,  Juan  del,  417,  418 
Escalas,  Conde  de,  205,  206, 

207 
Espanola,  305,  309,  313,  314, 

316 
Estella,  49,  51 
Estepar,  El  Feri  Ben,  281,  282 


F 


Fadrique  (the  younger),  155 
Federigo  of  Naples,  355,  364, 

370 
Ferdinand  of  Aragon  (The 
Catholic)  character  2,  69, 
174,  210,  324,  325,  330,  332, 
370,  371,  387,  391;  appear- 
ance,   89;    diplomacy,    346, 

352,  358,  359,  364,  372,  375; 
birth,  26;  becomes  heir  to 
throne  of  Aragon,  40;  alli- 
ance with  Isabel,  35,  69,  77 
et  seq.;  meeting  with  Isabel, 
208;  reconciliation  with  Hen- 
ry IV.,  86;  becomes  King  of 


Index 


429 


Ferdinand  of  Aragon — Cond 
Aragon,  118;  attempted  as- 
sassination of,  328;  military 
measures,  102,  103,  166  et 
seq.;  1 12,  168,  175,  191,  196, 
201,  216,  219,  280,  379; 
attitude  to  Jews,  264,  265, 
271;  to  Mudcjares,  283;  to 
the  Inquisition,  249,  255, 
258;  to  Roman  See,  235,  239, 
254;  to  his  children,  335;  to 
Columbus,  296,  297,  313; 
foreign  policy  of,  335;  re- 
ceives submission  of  Boabdil, 
229;  second  marriage,  388; 
regent  of  Castile,  390;  esti- 
mate of  his  work,  422 

Ferdinand,  son    of    Archduke 
Philip,  379 

Ferrante  I.  of  Naples,  36,  349, 
350,  353.  356 

Ferrante  II.,  354,  356, 361,  364, 

369 
Fez,  King  of,  221,  229 
Florence,  349,  350,  353 
Foix,  Catherine  de,  339 
Foix,  Caston  de,  43,  75 
Foix,  Gaston  de  (the  younger), 

43 
Foix,  Germame  de,  388,  390 
Fonseca,  Alonso  de,  30,  240 
Fornovo,  battle  of,  361 
Francis   Phoebus  of  Navarre, 

III,  339 
Fuenterrabia,  meeting  of,  48 


Galicia,  settlement  of,  133 
Galindo,  Beatriz  de,  332,  407 
Genoa,  25 
Geraldino,     Alessandro,     299, 

333 
Giron,  Pedro,  Master  of  Cala- 

trava,  36,  60,  62,  63 
Granada,  City    of,    215,    224, 

227,    et    seq.;    Kingdom    of, 

160,    188;     partition  Treaty 

of,  365,  366 
Guadix,    173,    206,    216,    220, 

221,  223,  224,  280 


Guejar,  280 

Guiomar,  Dona,  31,  233 
Guipuzcoa,  100,  106,  112,  117 
Guzman,  Ramir  Nunez  de.  155 
156 

H 

Hamet,  "El  Zegri,"  199,  200, 

201,  202,  206,  210,  211,  213, 

214 
Haro,  Count  of,  loi,  129 
Henry  IV.   of   Castile    (Prince 

of    Asturias),    23,    27,    28; 

(King),  24,  36,  39,  44,  54, 

55.  56,  70,  71.  80  et  seq.;  158, 

160,  253 
Henry  VII.  of  England,  373 
Henry,    "The  Navigator,"  of 

Portugal,  289 


Inquisition    in    Castile,     249, 

253-261 
Isabel  of  Castile,  character,  i, 

4.  5,  131,  233.  319.  324.327, 
328,  336;  love  of  her  Faith, 
325;  attitude  to  her  confes- 
sors, 241,  242,  243,  326,  327, 
329;  love  of  learning,  332, 
333.  400  et  seq.;  devotion  to 
Ferdinand,  329;  her  magni- 
ficence, 321,  323,  399;  her 
justice,  130  135,  136  et  seq.; 
155;  birth,  22;  childhood, 
34,  46,  52,  67;  suggested 
alliances,  35,  39,  53,  62, 
68,  70,  72,  73;  marriage 
with  Ferdinand,  69,  74,  76, 
^^  et  seq.;  joins  her  brother 
Altonso,  65;  reconciliation 
with  Henry  IV.,  84,  85,  86; 
accession,  88,  91,  92;  appeals 
to  Archbishop  Carrillo,  100; 
celebrates  battle  of  Toro, 
109;  quells  riot  in  Segovia, 
112  et  seq.;  visits  Seville,  115, 
136;  disputes  with  Ferdinand, 
186;  legislation  and  reforms 
of,  147,'  150,  153,  392  et  seq.; 


430 


Index 


Isabel  of  Castile — Cont'd 

military  measures  of,  io6, 
l68,  187  et  seg.;  192,  194, 
et  seq.;  218;  visits  camps,  207, 
21 1, 226;  entry  into  Granada, 
230;  attitude  to  the  Castilian 
Church,  234,  235,  236,  247, 
248;  to  the  Inquisition,  249, 
254.  255,  258;  to  the  Jews, 
264,  265,  271;  to  the  Miide- 
jares,  273,  279,  280,  284;  to 
the  Roman  See,  235-239, 254 ; 
to  Columbus,  285,  295,  297, 
298,  303,  315;  to  slavery, 
312-313;  to  her  children,  331, 
334.  377.  380,  381;  her  will, 
383;  her  death,  384;  survey 
of  her  reign,  421. 

Isabel,  mother  of  Isabel  of  Cas- 
tile, 33.  34 

Isabel,  dau.  of  Isabel  of  Castile, 
82,  207.  223,  337,  338,  343, 

344.  345 
Isabella,  the  city,  313 
Ismail,  Sultan,  162. 


James   IV.    of   Scotland,    374, 

375 
Jews,  6,  250,    252,  263  et  seq. 
Joanna,  "  La  Beltraneja,"  45, 

46,  81-83,  93,  94.  99,    119, 

120,  336 
Joanna    of    Portugal,    wife    of 

Henry   IV.,   30,   31,   32,  33, 

44,  45.  52 
Joanna  of  Aragon,  dau.  of  Isabel 

of  Castile,  334,  341,  342,  375 

et  seq.;  390 
Joanna  (Queen  of  Aragon),  26, 

27,40,41,42,  75 
John  II.  of  Aragon,  24,  25,  26, 

28,  36,  40,  loi,  364 
John  II.  of  Castile,  22,  23,  27 
John  II.,  of  Portugal,  107,  108, 

118,  289,  292,  307,  338 
John,    son   of   Ferdinand    and 

Isabel,    115,   216,   223,   331, 

332,  339,  344- 


Lebrija,  Antonio  de,  406 

Lerin,  Count  of,  280 

Lisbon,  Treaty  of,  118,  336 

Literature,  Castilian,  407  et 
seq. 

Loja,  175,  176,  201,  205 

Lopera,  battle  of,  200 

Louis  XI.  of  France,  42,  43,  47, 
etseq.;S\,  100,  106,  no,  115, 
116,  117,  118,  186,  339,  346, 

347 
Louis  XII.  of  France  (Duke  of 

Orleans),  355,  357;   (King), 

363.  365.  388,  389 
Lucena,  181 
Ludovico,  "II    Moro, "   348  et 

seq.;  364 

M 

Machado,  Roger,  321,  323,  373 
Madeleine,  sister  of  Louis  XL, 

43,  339 

IVIadrigal,  Cortes  of,  124 

Malaga,  173,  204,  208,  209 
et  seq. 

Margaret  of  Austria,  340-344 

Maria,  dau.  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabel,  338,  372 

Marineo,  Lucio,  405 

Marriage-settlement  of  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabel,  79 

Martyr,  Peter,  195,  219,  385, 
404-405 

Mary  of  Burgundy,  83,  117 

Maximilian,  King  of  the  Ro- 
mans, 340,  358 

Medina-Celi,  Duke  of,  295 

Medina  del  Campo,  Concord  of, 
56,  253;  Junta  of,  57 

Medina-Sidonia,  Duke  of,  136, 
140,  168,  189,  190 

Mendoza,  family  of,  52,  76,  82, 
84,  89;  Diego  Hurtado  de, 
246;  Pedro  Gonsalez  de 
(Bishop  of  Clahorra),  62; 
(Bishop  of  Siguenza),  67; 
(Cardinal  of  Spain),  84,  89, 
90,  108,  150,  154,  187,  229, 


Index 


431 


Mendoza — Cont'd 

232,  233,  234,  240,  243,  244, 

255,  2q9,  404 
Merlo,  Diego  de,  165,  169 
Miguel,  grandson  of  Ferdinand, 

345 
Military  Orders,  10  et  seq.,  152, 

154 
Moclin,  207 
Montalvo,    Alfonso    Diaz    de, 

146 
Montpensier,    Count   of,    361, 

362 
Moriscos,  the,  284 
Mudejares,  the,    15,   196,  271, 

et  seq. 
Muladies,  the,  170 
Muley  Abul  Hacen,  162,  163, 

I64,    167,    169,   et  seq.,   198, 

202,  203 


N 


Naples,  349,  350,  354,  356,  357, 

361,  362,  364,  365,  366 
Naples,  Joanna  II.  of,  25 
Navarre,  37,  40,  339,  388 

O 

Olito,  Treaty  of,  47 
Olmedo,  battle  of,  64 
Ordenanzas  Reales,  146 
Ovando,  Nicholas  de,  316 


Painting,  Castilian,  418-419 
Palencia,  Alonso  de,  41 1 
Paredes,  Count  of,  105,  153 
Passage  of  Arms,  33 
Paul  II.  Pope,  79,  85 
Perez,  Fra  Juan,  209,  300 
Philip,  Archduke    of    Austria, 

341.  375.  379,  3-9,  390 
Pinzon,  The  Brothers,  303 
Pius  II.,  Bull  of  Pope,  78,  81 
Plasencia,  Count  of   (Duke  of 

Arevalo),  93,  96,  98,  1 10 
Polyglot-Bible,  403,  406 
Printing,  introduction  of,  401 


Pulgar,  Hernando  de  ("He 
of  the  Exploits"),  225,  226; 
(Author),  412,  413 

Q 

Quintanilla,  Alonso  de,  295 

R 

Ramirez,  Francisco,  192,  283 
Rapallo,  sack  of,  356 
Rojas,  Fernando  de,  416 
Ronda,  201,  202,  281 
Royal  Council,  the,  142,  143 
Rousillon  and    Cerdagne,    47, 

75,  82,   III,   186,  346,  351, 

352,  379 


Salamanca,  Treaty  of,  389 

Sanbenito,  256 

Santa  Cruz,  College  of,  404 

Santa  Fe,  226,  227 

Santa  Hermandad,  La,  123   et 

seq.;  131,  132 
Santiago,  Mastership  of.     See 

Military  Orders 
Segovia,  19,  65,  112 
Sforza,    Gian    Galeazzo,    348, 

349,  357 
Silva,  Alonso  de,  359 
Sixtus  IV.,  Pope,  85,  117,  118, 

237,  254 
Suprema,  La,  259 


Talavera,    Fra    Fernando    de, 

119,  151,  241,  272,  277,  278, 

305,  323, 326 
Tendilla,  Count  of,  272,  276, 

?78,  305,  404 
Toledo,  Cortes  of,   141   et  seq. 
Tordesillas,  Treaty  of,  307 
Toro,  battle  of ,  108;  citadel  of, 

102 
Toros  de  Guisandos,  67 
Torquemada,  Thomas  de,  258, 

261,  266 


432 


Index 


V 


Velez-Malaga,    i6i,   204,   208, 

209 
Venegas,  Cacim,  171,  180 
Venice,  League  of,  360 
Vespucci,  Amerigo,  317 
Villahermosa,    Alfonso,    Duke 

of,  103,  125,  175 
Villcna,  Marquis  of  (Juan 
Pacheco),  28,  29,  30,  36,  53, 
56,  61,  62,  63,  67,  70,  80,  82, 
84,  86,  87  (the  younger),  87, 
93,94.96,98,  100,  105,  III 


Yanez,  Alvar,  135 
Z 

"Zagal,  Abdullah,  El,"  173, 
181,  201,203,  209,  215,  216, 
220,  221 

Zahara,  163,  164,  200 

Zamora,  98,  107 

Zoraya,  171,  172 

Zurita,  413 


Ji  Selection  from  the 
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Court  Life  in  Spain 

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